Having lived in the Western United States my entire life, I am accustomed to hearing the larger than life myths that accompany this region. Myths are hard to change. Some of the most famous myths have long been embedded in the overall picture Americans have of ourselves. I would like to affirm some myths and deconstruct others regarding The American West and the Indigenous People who live there.
The boundary of the Western United States has moved westward several times since it was first identified. To an Eighteenth Century Virginian, such as Thomas Jefferson, the West was a wilderness populated by hostile Indigenous tribes. The West was also viewed as an open region, populated by "backward savages." The US governmental view was that the Indigenous tribes were not "using" the land beyond the Cumberland Gap, one of the West's first identified mountain passes. Indigenous lands were invaded by White settlers who turned old growth forests into farmland. The war with Western Indigenous tribes had moved further West. This type of invasion was to be repeated with westward expansion as a result throughout the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries.
The notion was that these "uncivilized savages" should not retain their lands, and that "civilized" European-Americans were needed to occupy Indigenous lands. These "pioneers," as they were called, were supported by the US government financially, militarily, and sociologically. The lands west of Cumberland Gap were assumed to be open for agricultural development and the pioneers were told that they were expected to use such land in a manner as defined by the new USA. The "pioneers" (e.g. invaders) were lionized as heroes. A parade of "Americans" were honored in literature designed to justify the displacement of Indigenous tribes and the continued enslavement of African-Americans.
The "Unconquered West" was to become the target of seekers of gold, arable land, and a national attitude that was labeled "Manifest Destiny."
The philosophy called Manifest Destiny was one of the pillars of the ideological superstructure used to expand European-American control over the North American continent. That the US government supported Westward expansion was never seriously questioned. Although Manifest Destiny did not enter the American Mythical nomenclature until the Mid Nineteenth Century, the assumption of European-American entitlement to all of North (and South) American lands was embedded in European-American public discourse. This was because "savages" did not make use of their lands in a manner acceptable to the USA, nor did those Indigenous peoples have a concept of land ownership in their traditional beliefs. The God of Abraham, Jesus, and The Prophet was also the European-American God who was personalized by the Torah, Bible, and Quran. Cultural Imperialism became the policy of the US government with respect to Westward Expansion.
The oral traditions of Indigenous tribes in the time prior to and during European-American hegemony westward were as varied as the tribes themselves. Each tribe had a language that may have been similar to other tribes' languages, but was different enough to require bilingual interpreters or sign language communication. There were and are agreements between various tribes that spanned centuries. The Iriquois Confederation of Five Civilized Tribes predated European-American presence by a century. This cooperative agreement, among many others, was evidence that contradicted the second Western American Myth...the "Noble Savage."
The Noble Savage became a primary archetype strengthened by authors like James Fenimore Cooper. There has been a long disagreement among researchers in anthropology as to whether non European-American peoples were similar to or different from Europeans prior to first contact with European-American civilizations.
The Noble Savage myth dates from the Seventeenth Century, and emerged from Romanticism. That the idea of a Noble Savage existed did not stop the US government from promulgating the idea that Indigenous tribes needed to be assimilated into European-American culture with their own beliefs to be eradicated.
Suffice to say that a tribe of Indigenous people, if invaded by European-American culture, will strive to keep secret the beliefs that are most precious to their culture. Perhaps it was this self-preservational dynamic of Indigenous tribes' spiritual, family, cultural, governing, and language structure and beliefs throughout the world that led European-Americans to become determined to erase Indigenous cultures with the purpose of assimilation of such peoples into European-American culture. This process was fairly similar worldwide through the destruction of the very foundations of Indigenous culture...spiritual beliefs, extended clan family structure, tribal decision-making, and most importantly, their native language.
The systematic process of Indigenous Cultural destruction was justified by another Western Myth, the Superiority of European-American Culture over Indigenous Cultures. The arrogant belief that European-American cultures were the key to bringing the Indigenous tribes into what came to be called "The Melting Pot" reflected the Cultural Imperialism of the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth centuries of the Americans of European-American descent.
Progress became intertwined with the Protestant Ethic in the Nineteenth Century, and pursuit of wealth became interwoven with rapid advancements in technology. As improvements in agricultural technology, communication, transportation, and manufacturing emerged, the ease of living in each phase of the New West improved. The Indigenous tribes of North America were gradually stripped of their culture, sources of sustenance, hunting and fishing land, and health. A combination of gradual incursion, curtailment of the various tribes' ability to migrate with the seasons, phony promises made in treaties not worth the paper they were signed on, and harassment leading to further genocide stripped the tribes of the very characteristics and customs that defined them in how they saw themselves and how other tribes saw them.
During the Presidency of Andrew Jackson,the Southeastern regional US Indigenous tribes were ordered to be relocated to the land beyond the Louisiana Purchase to enable the expansion of agriculture and slavery into those tribes' lands. Although the Trail of Tears is the most famous example of President Andrew Jackson's cruel and imperialistic ejection of tribes from their homelands, other tribes experienced similar relocation. The purpose of creation of Indian Territory was to ostensibly reserve that land for Indigenous peoples, but the reality was that fortune seekers, farmers, and riff raff invaded Indian Territory and sabotaged the intended setting aside of land for tribal settlements. This behavior was pervasive throughout the Nineteenth Century.
In the first decade of the Nineteenth Century, Napoléon sold France's Louisiana lands to Thomas Jefferson's United States, leading to the invasion of Louisiana by Lewis and Clark. Their exploration was first contact between the US Government and Missouri and Columbia River drainage area Indigenous Tribes. The tribes that the Lewis and Clark Expedition encountered were generally receptive with a few exceptions. The rivers that flowed into the Missouri and Columbia Rivers were mapped, detailed notation and drawings were recorded, and flora and fauna were carefully described.
The US Army's use of weapons far advanced over those of Indigenous tribes made contact with US troops fatal for too many Indigenous men, women and children to count. The transcontinental railroad was built through hunting grounds. Various mercantile trails and cattle trails crisscrossed what was the edge of the American West. In less than 100 years the Americans had evicted the Southern US tribes, decimated the Northeastern and also the tribes from what is now called the American Midwest. The bison, now America's National Animal, was the source of nearly every tool or food that Northern Plains tribes used. Hundreds of treaties were signed and then broken by US Army officers and troops. Ironically, it was the Indigenous people who were labeled as dishonest.
Cultural Imperialism shoved tribes who were hunters and constantly moving from place to place into lands believed to be useless for American citizens. Labeled as reservations, the tribes were ordered to learn to be farmers on land unfit for growing crops. Tribes were relegated to eating spoiled meat and other food which was unfit for Caucasian consumption. Alcohol was provided to Indigenous people who had never been exposed to it. Rampant diseases, such as smallpox and measles and drinking were ignored by people paid to assist the tribes, often as government agents. Sacred lands, such as the Paha Sapa (Black Hills) were stolen and traditional spirituality ignored or discouraged. As the Nineteenth Century ended, Indigenous people in the USA numbered 250,000. This was down from an estimated 20 million people in the time of first contact with European-American civilizations. Several tribes were "delisted" from US Governmental Tribal lists. This meant that these tribes no longer were even eligible for reservations, medicine, and other life sustaining elements. Other tribes simply died out. The saga of Ishi, a member of a California tribe, the Yahi, poignantly documented his last years as the sole surviving member, residing in a museum as a living exhibit in San Francisco. That Ishi became the last member of the Yahi Clan of the Yana Tribe of California reflects the chaos and danger that Indigenous people faced when having first contact with Caucasians. Later in this article, the history of the State of California will be examined through use of prior scholarly research. See illustrations below:
The annexation of Texas in 1845 into the United States led to systematic military engagement with Indigenous tribes such as the Comanche. Other tribes were also driven from their traditional lands even more rapidly than the Comanche. The demise of the bison from the Southern Plains occurred more rapidly than in the Dakotas, Wyoming, Nebraska, and Montana. The decline of the Southern Plains tribes led to all of their former territories being changed into large ranches or subsistence farming. Although the US government supported this type of farming through the Homestead Act, the lower precipitation and droughts caused hundreds of thousands of square miles becoming unusable and essentially dead. Acreage in such regions remain ruined with little hope for restoration of the tall grass prairies before invaders took the land and ruined it.
Northwestern tribes were either moved or placed on lands that homesteaders could not use. The Apsalooke, known as the Crow tribe, lost their mountain lands to mining and tourism. The Arapahoe and Shoshone tribes were moved from the mountains to a reservation with little useful farming and ranching land. The Utes were moved from their homes in the mountains of Colorado and Utah to two small reservations in Colorado's southwestern corner. These mountain tribes were relocated from their homelands to allow mining and ranching interests access to billions of dollars worth of various minerals, oil shale, and ranches. Thus, royalties for these minerals were paid to the US and State Governments instead of the tribes. In several different periods of time, the US Government looked the other way when oil companies failed to pay royalties to various tribes. That trend was challenged by several tribes, and they maintained that the US government did not exercise due diligence in monitoring output of minerals and oil from the Western US reservations. The tribes' challenge was upheld, and either the US Government or the dishonest companies had to pay tribes their lost revenue.
Tribes in the arid Southwest were generally kept in their traditional lands. Pueblos were protected by their history of being deeded by the Spanish Kinghe famous s through land grants, which were honored by treaty after the Mexican War. The Navajo (Di'neh) were settled on a 25,000 square mile reservation in New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah. This happened after a large portion of the tribe endured the Long Walk from their lands to Fort Sumner, New Mexico. The famous frontiersman Kit Carson along with the US Army conducted a slash and burn campaign against the Navajo, marched them some 400 miles in freezing weather, and then the tribe was told to learn how to farm on the arid semi-desert of New Mexico's Llano Estacado. Some 3000 Navajo died there due to starvation, US Army neglect, and diseases that rampages through the tribe.
the United States as a whole was outraged. Senior Army staff, as ordered by President Grant intensified the "Indian War" against tribes that had not submitted to stay on a reservation. From Washington DC downward, the free tribes, the Lakota, Apaches, Northern Cheyenne, and others faced a search and destroy mission comparable to hunting down ISIS in this time. The remaining free Indigenous tribes kept their way of life for as long as they could.
Important leaders such as President Grant appointed several seasoned leaders, most notably General Sheridan, whose battle tactics were important in the US Civil War. Treaties the United States Government initiated had been broken repeatedly by the United States. The Smithsonian has identified 503 broken treaties with various tribes from 1778 to the present day. This list of broken treaties comes from the National Archive and may be viewed in Wikipedia. This list of broken treaties may be found below:
Treaty-making between various Native American governments and the United States officially concluded on March 3, 1871 with the passing of the United States Code Title 25, Chapter 3, Subchapter 1, Section 71 (25 U.S.C. § 71). Pre-existing treaties were grandfathered, and further agreements were made under domestic law.
In California,. Indigenous tribes suffered even worse than elsewhere in North America. The heavy hand of the Spanish conquerors of what was then Mexico, forced a number of tribes to live near the chain of missions established by Junipero Serra. Though Father Serra was a cut above average colonial missionaries, the fact remains that many of the tribes in California died out or lost their traditional identity under the Spanish. The purpose of the mission system was to gather the Indigenous people in regional groups nearby each mission, and this began when the missions were being constructed, as that was accomplished using Indigenous tribal members. The treatment of Indigenous people by the Spanish was as a slave to master relationship. The priests in the Catholic Missions had harsh penalties for tribes or members who did not accept hard labor. Like many other Spanish Colonial sites, the harsh treatment of Indigenous people went unreported to the Spanish Crown. As happened in Spanish New Mexico, the tribes revolted. They were harshly deprived of their traditional spirituality, and had to keep it hidden from the Spanish to preserve its integrity. The Mexican successors to the Spanish were not as destructive as the Spanish, but did secularize the Missions, and the large ranchos the wealthy land holders built were maintained by Indigenous labor. When the Americans came to California after the Mexican War, the sheer volume of non-Indigenous people meant that many sites where the California tribes did not have the wherewithal to engage the occupiers in battle. There were 310,000 Indigenous people in California in 1769 as tabulated by the Spanish, By 1840, the number had gone down to 100,000, with scarlet fever, small pox, and pneumonia killing huge numbers of Indigenous people, and the number of tribes was severely reduced. During 1850-1860, in American occupation after the Mexican War, the California Legislature adopted laws which were legally set up to essentially treat the Indigenous people as proto-slaves.
In 1850, An Act for the Government and Protection of Indians was enacted by the first session of the California Legislature. This law set the tone for Indian-White relations to come.
The act provided for the following:
This law was widely abused with regard to the use of Indians as laborers, though it did allow Indians to reside on private land. The use of this law to sentence Indigenous People to hard labor was a form of slavery, because Indigenous offenders did not have any other options to choose from.vDuring 1851 and 1852, the California Legislature authorized payment of $1,100,000 for the "supression of Indian hostilities. Again, in 1857, the Legislature issued bonds for $410,000 for the same purpose." (Heizer, 1978:108) While theoretically attempting to resolve White-Indian conflicts, these payments only encouraged Whites to form volunteer companies and try to eliminate all the Indians in California.
According to the National Park Service, in their official online history of the Indigenous people of California:
In 1860, the law of 1850 was amended to state that Indian children and any vagrant Indian could be put under the custody of Whites for the purpose of employment and training. Under the law, it was possible to retain the service of Indians until 40 years of age for men and 35 years of age for women. This continued the practice of Indian slavery and made it legal for Indians to be retained for a longer period of time and be taken at a younger age.
In further documenting the treatment of Indigenous people by Americans after 1845, The Parks Service history states:
The Park Service history goes on to state:
In the early 1880s, Helen Hunt Jackson wrote A Century of Dishonor and sent a copy of her book to each United States congressman. She was then appointed to a commission to examine the condition of Indians in Southern California. Her visits resulted in The Report on the Condition and Needs of the Mission Indians of California, by special agents Helen Jackson and Abbot Kinney. The report summarized the problems and concerns of Southern California Indians; many of the conditions outlined in the report, however, were applicable to all California Indians. The report noted that Indians had been continually displaced from their land. She also noted that while many Indians had taken "immoral" paths, others had chosen the responsibilities of herding animals and raising crops. In her report, she also noted that the United States government had done little to right the wrongs of the past. While Jackson did not solve all the problems of Southern California Indians, her work did bring their concerns to the attention of the American public and Congress.
The National Park Service history continues:
One recurring concern was the lack of education and training necessary for survival in American society. The government, as well as Jackson, saw education as a way of assimilating Indians into the mainstream of United States society.
The period began of establishing "Indian Schools" to strip the tribe member of his or her identity as a member of the tribe began.
Reports from the Secretary of the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs at that time expressed the goals of the government in relation to the educational process. In 1908, one report stated, "the rooms held three or four each and it was arranged that no two tribes were placed in the same room. This not only helped in the acquirement of English, but broke up tribal and race clannishness, a most important victory in getting Indians toward real citizens." (Spicer, 1969:235) An earlier report stated, "I can see no reason why a strong government like ours should not govern and control them [Indians] and compel each one to settle down and stay in one place, his own homestead, wear the white man's clothing, labor for his own support, and send his children to school." (Spicer, 1969:236) Other people had even stronger ideas. For instance, George Ellis, in his book, The Red Man and the White Man in North America, wrote, "The Indian must be made to feel he is in the grasp of a superior." (Ellis 1882:572) In opposition to this view, the Indian Rights Association was formed in 1882. This Indian advocate group would play a powerful role in formulating Indian policy in upcoming years.
Author's Note: This era of sending Indigenous children off their reservation and away from their family to boarding school was the single most traumatic experience most Indigenous people report in their lives. The actions of cutting their hair, prohibiting them from speaking their native language, and not allowing any action that could be interpreted as coming from their home tribe effective caused a whole generation of children to forget their language and spirituality and to be thought of as not fitting in with the tribe members who avoided "Indian Boarding Schools." This governmental action, along with breaking reservations into parcels of land to be sold constituted a disorientation of tribal life not dissimilar to the Nazis in Germany with their marking Judaic citizens with identification, banishing them to a common ghetto, and forcing them to leave their homes or be liquidated. In the case of Indigenous people, boarding school former students cite feelings of alienation, isolation, and having there culture ripped away, leaving them in a horrible netherworld somewhere between White and Red cultures. The resulting anguish and anger led tribal members to become hostile in most cases, and in rare cases violent.
While the approaches differed, all agreed that education was necessary. "In California, three types of educational programs were established for native peoples. The first was the Federal Government reservation day school. The second type was the boarding school, fashioned after Carlisle. And finally, the nearby public school that allowed Indians to attend began a slow, though steady, increase in popularity among policy makers." (Heizer, 1978:115) While the public schools seemed the best alternative, most Indians did not have the right to attend these schools until the 1920s.
In 1881, an elementary school system for Indians was established in California. However, the Indians soon recognized that the schools were a threat to their culture, as well as to the tribe as a political unit. "As a result, considerable resistance to the schools developed. Native peoples destroyed the day school at Potrero in 1888, and burned the school at Tule River in 1890. At Pachanga, a Luiseno named Venturo Molido, burned the school and assassinated the school teacher in 1895." (Heizer, 1978:115)
Here is the result of establishing Boarding Schools for Indigenous children:
Much of the destruction and violence could have been avoided if the school system and the government had recognized the great importance the Indians placed on being able to maintain their cultural beliefs. In 1891, school attendance was made mandatory. But while attendance was mandatory, there were still Indian children who did not attend.
As many Indigenous People know all too well:
The major tool the government used in trying to assimilate Indigenous persons during this time was the General Allotment Act of 1887, also known as the Dawes Act, which appeared to be generally advantageous to Indians. However, the major intent of the act was to break down the role of tribal government. The act itself provided that each Indian living on a reservation would receive a 160-acre allotment of land per family unit, and each single man would receive 80 acres if the reservation had enough land. If there was not enough land, other provisions were made. Indians not residing on a reservation would be entitled to settle on any surveyed or unsurveyed government lands not appropriated. The lands allotted would be held in trust for 25 years by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. If all other provisions of the act were met, that is, if the Indians made use of the lands for agriculture and became self-sufficient, then the land would become the property of the individual. "Native people understood full well the implications of allotment and offered considerable resistance. Nevertheless, the Bureau of Indian Affairs began ordering allotments of various sizes at Rincon, Morongo, and Pala Reservations in 1893. . . . The next year, allotments were begun at Round Valley Reservation. By the turn of the century, 1,614 individual allotments were made among eight reservations in the state." (Heizer, 1978:117)
Long before the passage of the Dawes Act, people recognized that problems would occur from its implementation. In 1881, Senator Henry Moore Teller of Colorado spoke in opposition to an earlier form of the Allotment Act. Senator Teller concluded, "If I stand alone in the Senate, I want to put upon the record my prophecy in this matter, that when 30 or 40 years shall have passed and these Indians shall have parted with their title, they will curse the hand that was raised professedly in their defense to secure this kind of legislation, and if the people who are clamoring for it understood Indian character and Indian laws, and Indian morals, and Indian religion, they would not be here clamoring for this at all." (Spicer, 1969:234) The senator would soon be proven correct.
Other Indians, such as the Cupenos from Warner Springs, chose to fight for their lands in the courts. With the assistance of the Indian Rights Association, they began a suit to stop their eviction from their home at the Warner Ranch. In 1888, they won a favorable decision which temporarily stopped their eviction. However, the case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court, and in 1903, the Cupenos were evicted from their home.
Some tribes chose to purchase land for their tribe:
Still other Indians chose to purchase land which was once theirs and reside on it. However, not every transaction was fair. In 1904, the San Francisco Chronicle reported that Indians who bought land from Whites were being dispossessed by the heirs of the granters, who gave no valid titles. "The Northern California Indian Association reported that about 10,000 Indians lived on land to which whites hold title. They were subject to eviction 'at any time.' The Indians are recognized for what they are not, usually competent to compete with white men in economic struggle. . . . Congress should buy lands for Indians in locations where they now are and allot them small farms in severalty. . . . It is also asked that their status as to citizenship be satisfactorily established. This petition is now before congress. It should be granted for justice and honesty. . . ." (San Francisco Chronicle, 1904). The struggle for homes would continue.
Old School House at Ft. Bidwell, Modoc County
Indian Grinding Rock State Historic Park, Amador County
Then, in 1950, the BIA established a job-placement program . . . [and] the program to assimilate Indians into the mainstream expanded from that point. Strangely, the BIA didn't keep records of its relocation pro gram, but nearly 100,000 Indians were relocated to California between 1952-1968 to find employment lacking on reservations. . . . " (Sacramento Bee, Sept. 6, 1982, p. 23) Indian people who had lived on reservations were now faced with the new problems of living in an urban environment and the inability to find services. Many were just not ready to live in a city.
Ya-Ka-Ama Indian School, Sonoma County
1. Ahwahnee, Mariposa County
2. Alcatraz, San Francisco
3. Anderson Marsh, Lake County
4. Angel Island, Marin County
5. Anoyum, San Diego County
6. Bald Rock Dome, Butte County
7. Black Mountain, San Luis Obispo County
8. Bloody Island, Lake County
9. Bryte Memorial Building, Yolo County
10. Camp Hill, San Luis Obispo County
11. Captain Jack's Stronghold, Modoc County
12. Channel Islands, Los Angeles, Santa Barbara, and Ventura counties
13. Chaw'se/Indian Grinding Rock State Historic Park, Amador County
14. Cherokee, Butte County
15. Chimney Rock, San Luis Obispo County
16. Cho-Lollo, Tulare County
17. Cupa, San Diego County
18. D-Q University, Yolo County
19. Dana Point, Orange County
20. Dry Creek Valley, Sonoma County
21. El Scorpion Ranch, Los Angeles County
22. Estens and Kuvuny, Ventura County
23. Ferndale Ranch, Ventura County
24. Foresta Big Meadow, Mariposa County
25. Fort Bidwell Boarding School, Modoc County
26. Fort Bidwell School, Modoc County
27. Fort Gaston, Humboldt County
28. Frank Day's Home, Butte County
29. Gabriel's Grave, Monterey County
30. Glen Eden Springs, Riverside County
31. Greenville Meeting Hall, Plumas County
32. Gunther Island, Humboldt County
33. Helo/Mescalitan Island, Santa Barbara Island
34. Herbert Young's Residence, Butte County
35. Hilltop Tavern, Alameda County
36. Hopland High School, Mendocino County
37. Humqaq, Santa Barbara County
38. Hunting Blinds, Modoc County
39. Ishi's Hiding Place, Butte County
40. Knights Ferry, Stanislaus County
41. La Casa Grande, Sonoma County
42. La Jolla Village, San Diego County
43. Lake County Courthouse, Lake County
44. Las Viejas Mission, San Diego County
45. Madonna Mountain, San Luis Obispo County
46. Malki Museum, Riverside County
47. Manchester Reservation School, Mendocino County
48. Manchester Round House, Mendocino County
49. Mankins Ranch, Plumas County
50. Marie Potts' Home, Sacramento County
51. Mechoopda Indian Rancheria, Butte County
52. Mutamai, San Diego County
53. Mesa Grande Street, San Diego County
54. Mount Diablo, Contra Costa County
55. Nome Lackee Indian Reservation, Tehama County
56. North Fork School, Madera County
57. Old Kashia Elementary School, Sonoma County
58. Old Spanish Town, Santa Barbara County
59. Old Tule Reservation, Tulare County
60. Onomyo, Santa Barbara County
61. Painted Cave, Monterey County
62. Painted Caves, San Luis Obispo County
63. Pate Valley, Tuolumne County
64. Pete's Adobe, San Diego County
65. Place Where They Burnt the Digger, Amador County
66. Port San Luis, San Luis Obispo County
67. Quechla, San Diego County
68. Ramona Bowl, Riverside County
69. Rancho Canada Larga, Ventura County
70. Re-kwoi, Del Norte County
71. Rice Canyon Petroglyph Area, Lassen County
72. Roberts House, El Dorado County
73. Rogerio's Rancho, Los Angeles County
74. Round Valley Commissary, Mendocino County
75. Round Valley Flour Mill, Mendocino County
76. Round Valley Methodist Church, Mendocino County
77. Rust's Cemetery, Mariposa County
78. San Pasqual Battlefield State Historic Park, San Diego County
79. San Pasqual Cemetery, San Diego County
80. Santa Lucia Peak, Monterey County
81. Santa Rosa Rancheria, Kings County
82. Sherman Institute, Riverside County
83. Shisholop, Ventura County
84. Sloughhouse, Sacramento County
85. Paauw/Smith, San Diego County
86. Smith River Shaker Church, Del Norte County
87. Sonoma Barracks, Sonoma State Historic Park, Sonoma County
88. Squem, Monterey County
89. State Capitol, Sacramento County
90. Sutter's Fort, Sacramento County
91. Takimildin, Humboldt County
92. Tejon Indian Reservation, Kern County
93. Tischler Rock, Orange County
94. Tommy Merino's Home, Plumas County
95. Toro Creek, San Luis Obispo County
96. Trabuco Adobe, Orange County
97. Tulapop, Los Angeles County
98. Viejas V.F.W., San Diego County
99. Wilson Cemetery, Mariposa County
100. Wilton Baseball Field, Sacramento County
101. Ya-Ka-Ama, Sonoma County
102. Yosemite Rancheria, Mariposa County2
The West As a Moving Target
The boundary of the Western United States has moved westward several times since it was first identified. To an Eighteenth Century Virginian, such as Thomas Jefferson, the West was a wilderness populated by hostile Indigenous tribes. The West was also viewed as an open region, populated by "backward savages." The US governmental view was that the Indigenous tribes were not "using" the land beyond the Cumberland Gap, one of the West's first identified mountain passes. Indigenous lands were invaded by White settlers who turned old growth forests into farmland. The war with Western Indigenous tribes had moved further West. This type of invasion was to be repeated with westward expansion as a result throughout the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries.
Manifest Destiny Protecting Migrating Settlers
The "Unconquered West" was to become the target of seekers of gold, arable land, and a national attitude that was labeled "Manifest Destiny."
Manifest Destiny as Myth
The philosophy called Manifest Destiny was one of the pillars of the ideological superstructure used to expand European-American control over the North American continent. That the US government supported Westward expansion was never seriously questioned. Although Manifest Destiny did not enter the American Mythical nomenclature until the Mid Nineteenth Century, the assumption of European-American entitlement to all of North (and South) American lands was embedded in European-American public discourse. This was because "savages" did not make use of their lands in a manner acceptable to the USA, nor did those Indigenous peoples have a concept of land ownership in their traditional beliefs. The God of Abraham, Jesus, and The Prophet was also the European-American God who was personalized by the Torah, Bible, and Quran. Cultural Imperialism became the policy of the US government with respect to Westward Expansion.
The oral traditions of Indigenous tribes in the time prior to and during European-American hegemony westward were as varied as the tribes themselves. Each tribe had a language that may have been similar to other tribes' languages, but was different enough to require bilingual interpreters or sign language communication. There were and are agreements between various tribes that spanned centuries. The Iriquois Confederation of Five Civilized Tribes predated European-American presence by a century. This cooperative agreement, among many others, was evidence that contradicted the second Western American Myth...the "Noble Savage."
Indigenous Peoples As "Primitive Noble Savages"
The Noble Savage became a primary archetype strengthened by authors like James Fenimore Cooper. There has been a long disagreement among researchers in anthropology as to whether non European-American peoples were similar to or different from Europeans prior to first contact with European-American civilizations.
Stereotype Noble Savage from Deer Slayer by James Fenimore Cooper
The Noble Savage myth dates from the Seventeenth Century, and emerged from Romanticism. That the idea of a Noble Savage existed did not stop the US government from promulgating the idea that Indigenous tribes needed to be assimilated into European-American culture with their own beliefs to be eradicated.
Use of the Noble Savage Stereotype as Marketing Tool in 19th Century
Suffice to say that a tribe of Indigenous people, if invaded by European-American culture, will strive to keep secret the beliefs that are most precious to their culture. Perhaps it was this self-preservational dynamic of Indigenous tribes' spiritual, family, cultural, governing, and language structure and beliefs throughout the world that led European-Americans to become determined to erase Indigenous cultures with the purpose of assimilation of such peoples into European-American culture. This process was fairly similar worldwide through the destruction of the very foundations of Indigenous culture...spiritual beliefs, extended clan family structure, tribal decision-making, and most importantly, their native language.
The European-American "Progress Marches On" Myth
The systematic process of Indigenous Cultural destruction was justified by another Western Myth, the Superiority of European-American Culture over Indigenous Cultures. The arrogant belief that European-American cultures were the key to bringing the Indigenous tribes into what came to be called "The Melting Pot" reflected the Cultural Imperialism of the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth centuries of the Americans of European-American descent.
Progress became intertwined with the Protestant Ethic in the Nineteenth Century, and pursuit of wealth became interwoven with rapid advancements in technology. As improvements in agricultural technology, communication, transportation, and manufacturing emerged, the ease of living in each phase of the New West improved. The Indigenous tribes of North America were gradually stripped of their culture, sources of sustenance, hunting and fishing land, and health. A combination of gradual incursion, curtailment of the various tribes' ability to migrate with the seasons, phony promises made in treaties not worth the paper they were signed on, and harassment leading to further genocide stripped the tribes of the very characteristics and customs that defined them in how they saw themselves and how other tribes saw them.
During the Presidency of Andrew Jackson,the Southeastern regional US Indigenous tribes were ordered to be relocated to the land beyond the Louisiana Purchase to enable the expansion of agriculture and slavery into those tribes' lands. Although the Trail of Tears is the most famous example of President Andrew Jackson's cruel and imperialistic ejection of tribes from their homelands, other tribes experienced similar relocation. The purpose of creation of Indian Territory was to ostensibly reserve that land for Indigenous peoples, but the reality was that fortune seekers, farmers, and riff raff invaded Indian Territory and sabotaged the intended setting aside of land for tribal settlements. This behavior was pervasive throughout the Nineteenth Century.
In the first decade of the Nineteenth Century, Napoléon sold France's Louisiana lands to Thomas Jefferson's United States, leading to the invasion of Louisiana by Lewis and Clark. Their exploration was first contact between the US Government and Missouri and Columbia River drainage area Indigenous Tribes. The tribes that the Lewis and Clark Expedition encountered were generally receptive with a few exceptions. The rivers that flowed into the Missouri and Columbia Rivers were mapped, detailed notation and drawings were recorded, and flora and fauna were carefully described.
Manifest Destiny as Defined by Indigenous Tribes
As a rule, Americans other than Indigenous Tribal members have viewed the Lewis and Clark Expedition as a heroic exploration of new USA Westward expansion. But within a generation, the Mandan Tribe who hosted the Americans in their first Expedition winter were dead. Within two generations, the Nez Perce Tribe, who gave the Expedition the horses they desperately needed to proceed onward to the Pacific Ocean, were brutally and forcefully evicted from their Wallowa Valley lands by the US cavalry.
The US Army's use of weapons far advanced over those of Indigenous tribes made contact with US troops fatal for too many Indigenous men, women and children to count. The transcontinental railroad was built through hunting grounds. Various mercantile trails and cattle trails crisscrossed what was the edge of the American West. In less than 100 years the Americans had evicted the Southern US tribes, decimated the Northeastern and also the tribes from what is now called the American Midwest. The bison, now America's National Animal, was the source of nearly every tool or food that Northern Plains tribes used. Hundreds of treaties were signed and then broken by US Army officers and troops. Ironically, it was the Indigenous people who were labeled as dishonest.
Cultural Imperialism shoved tribes who were hunters and constantly moving from place to place into lands believed to be useless for American citizens. Labeled as reservations, the tribes were ordered to learn to be farmers on land unfit for growing crops. Tribes were relegated to eating spoiled meat and other food which was unfit for Caucasian consumption. Alcohol was provided to Indigenous people who had never been exposed to it. Rampant diseases, such as smallpox and measles and drinking were ignored by people paid to assist the tribes, often as government agents. Sacred lands, such as the Paha Sapa (Black Hills) were stolen and traditional spirituality ignored or discouraged. As the Nineteenth Century ended, Indigenous people in the USA numbered 250,000. This was down from an estimated 20 million people in the time of first contact with European-American civilizations. Several tribes were "delisted" from US Governmental Tribal lists. This meant that these tribes no longer were even eligible for reservations, medicine, and other life sustaining elements. Other tribes simply died out. The saga of Ishi, a member of a California tribe, the Yahi, poignantly documented his last years as the sole surviving member, residing in a museum as a living exhibit in San Francisco. That Ishi became the last member of the Yahi Clan of the Yana Tribe of California reflects the chaos and danger that Indigenous people faced when having first contact with Caucasians. Later in this article, the history of the State of California will be examined through use of prior scholarly research. See illustrations below:
In 19th Century America, Indigenous people were not thought to be competent to manage their own affairs, and even the sympathetic press referred to them as "savages"
The Area of California in Which Ishi's tribe, the Yana Lived
Ishi, a man without his people lived in a museum as a human exhibit
Here is his death mask
For more information on Ishi please double click the link to this excellent overview of his life: Ishi's story told at the time he was alive
The annexation of Texas in 1845 into the United States led to systematic military engagement with Indigenous tribes such as the Comanche. Other tribes were also driven from their traditional lands even more rapidly than the Comanche. The demise of the bison from the Southern Plains occurred more rapidly than in the Dakotas, Wyoming, Nebraska, and Montana. The decline of the Southern Plains tribes led to all of their former territories being changed into large ranches or subsistence farming. Although the US government supported this type of farming through the Homestead Act, the lower precipitation and droughts caused hundreds of thousands of square miles becoming unusable and essentially dead. Acreage in such regions remain ruined with little hope for restoration of the tall grass prairies before invaders took the land and ruined it.
Diagram of Western Plains with The Comanche Territory in Circle -Comancheria
Comanche Wars-Battle of Plum Creek
Note the Top Hats on Warriors
Tribes in the arid Southwest were generally kept in their traditional lands. Pueblos were protected by their history of being deeded by the Spanish Kinghe famous s through land grants, which were honored by treaty after the Mexican War. The Navajo (Di'neh) were settled on a 25,000 square mile reservation in New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah. This happened after a large portion of the tribe endured the Long Walk from their lands to Fort Sumner, New Mexico. The famous frontiersman Kit Carson along with the US Army conducted a slash and burn campaign against the Navajo, marched them some 400 miles in freezing weather, and then the tribe was told to learn how to farm on the arid semi-desert of New Mexico's Llano Estacado. Some 3000 Navajo died there due to starvation, US Army neglect, and diseases that rampages through the tribe.
The Navajo (Di' Neh) Tribe in Ft. Sumner NM after The Long Walk
Many children and elderly died in a failed attempt to turn the tribe into farmers
Plains tribes engaged Cavalry soldier in the "Eight Year Indian War with several brilliant warriors and
chiefs over the length of the fighting. Now famous warriors and chiefs tactics are studied by military intructors
With the massacre at the Little Big Horn and the 7th regiment's deaths, commanded by Custer and Chief Gall respectively,
the United States as a whole was outraged. Senior Army staff, as ordered by President Grant intensified the "Indian War" against tribes that had not submitted to stay on a reservation. From Washington DC downward, the free tribes, the Lakota, Apaches, Northern Cheyenne, and others faced a search and destroy mission comparable to hunting down ISIS in this time. The remaining free Indigenous tribes kept their way of life for as long as they could.
Map of the Little Bighorn Engagement
Courtesy of National Park Service
The National Park Service has placed a memorial for the Indigenous warriors killed at Little Bighorn
Photo Courtesy of the National Park Service
Northern Cheyenne Survivors of Little Big Horn in 1926
Photo Courtesy of the National Park Service
Important leaders such as President Grant appointed several seasoned leaders, most notably General Sheridan, whose battle tactics were important in the US Civil War. Treaties the United States Government initiated had been broken repeatedly by the United States. The Smithsonian has identified 503 broken treaties with various tribes from 1778 to the present day. This list of broken treaties comes from the National Archive and may be viewed in Wikipedia. This list of broken treaties may be found below:
If you survive looking at the list of broken treaties....this blog article continues below
1778–1799
1800–1809
1810–1819
1820–1829
1830–1839
Year | Date | Treaty Name | Alternative Treaty Name | Statutes | Land Cession Reference (Royce Area) | Tribe(s) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1830 | July 15 | Treaty of Prairie du Chien | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes, etc., Fourth Treaty of Prairie du Chein | 7 Stat. 328 | 151 | Sac and Fox, the Mdewakanton, Wahpekute, Wahpeton and Sisiton Sioux, Omaha, Ioway, Otoe and Missouria |
1830 | September 27 | Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek | Treaty with the Choctaw | 7 Stat. 333 | Choctaw | |
1830 | August 31 | Treaty of Franklin | Treaty with the Chickasaw | N/A | ||
1830 | September 1 | Supplement to the Treaty of Franklin | Supplemental Treaty with the Chickasaw | N/A | ||
1831 | February 8 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Menominee | 7 Stat. 342 | Menomini | |
1831 | February 17 | Supplement to the Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Menominee | 7 Stat. 346 | Menomini | |
1831 | February 28 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Seneca | 7 Stat. 348 | Seneca nation | |
1831 | July 20 | Treaty of Lewistown | Treaty with the Seneca, etc. | 7 Stat. 351 | Seneca nation, Shawnee | |
1831 | August 8 | Treaty of Wapakoneta | Treaty with the Shawnee | 7 Stat. 355 | Shawnee | |
1831 | August 30 | Treaty of Miami Bay | Treaty with the Ottawa | 7 Stat. 359 | Ottawa | |
1832 | January 19 | Treaty with the Wyandot | 7 Stat. 364 | Wyandot | ||
1832 | March 24 | Treaty of Cusseta | Treaty with the Creeks | 7 Stat. 366 | Creek | |
1832 | May 9 | Treaty of Payne's Landing | Treaty with the Seminole | 7 Stat. 368 | Seminole | |
1832 | September 15 | Treaty with the Winnebago | 7 Stat. 370 | |||
1832 | September 21 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | 7 Stat. 374 | |||
1832 | October 11 | Treaty with the Appalachicola Band | 7 Stat. 377 | |||
1832 | October 20 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 378 | |||
1832 | October 20 | Treaty with the Chickasaw | 7 Stat. 381 | |||
1832 | October 22 | Treaty with the Chickasaw | 7 Stat. 388 | |||
1832 | October 24 | Treaty with the Kickapoo | 7 Stat. 391 | |||
1832 | October 26 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 394 | |||
1832 | October 26 | Treaty with the Shawnee, etc. | 7 Stat. 397 | |||
1832 | October 27 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 399 | |||
1832 | October 27 | Treaty with the Kaskaskia, etc. | 7 Stat. 403 | |||
1832 | October 27 | Treaty with the Menominee | 7 Stat. 405 | |||
1832 | October 29 | Treaty with the Piankashaw and Wea | 7 Stat. 410 | |||
1832 | December 29 | Treaty with the Seneca and Shawnee | 7 Stat. 411 | |||
1833 | February 14 | Treaty with the Western Cherokee | 7 Stat. 414 | |||
1833 | February 14 | Treaty with the Creeks | 7 Stat. 417 | |||
1833 | February 18 | Treaty with the Ottawa | 7 Stat. 420 | |||
1833 | March 28 | Treaty with the Seminole | 7 Stat. 423 | |||
1833 | May 13 | Treaty with the Quapaw | 7 Stat. 424 | |||
1833 | June 18 | Treaty with the Appalachicola Band | 7 Stat. 427 | |||
1833 | September 21 | Treaty with the Oto and Missouri | 7 Stat. 429 | |||
1833 | September 26 | Treaty of Chicago | Treaty with the Chippewa, etc. | 7 Stat. 431 | Ottawa, Ojibwe and Potawatomi | |
1833 | October 9 | Treaty with the Pawnee | 7 Stat. 448 | |||
1834 | May 24 | Treaty with the Chickasaw | 7 Stat. 450 | |||
1834 | October 23 | Treaty with the Miami | 7 Stat. 458 | |||
1834 | December 4 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 467 | |||
1834 | December 10 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 467 | |||
1834 | December 16 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 468 | |||
1834 | December 17 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 469 | |||
1835 | July 1 | Treaty with the Caddo | 7 Stat. 470 | |||
1835 | August 24 | Treaty with the Comanche, etc. | 7 Stat. 474 | |||
1835 | December 29 | Treaty of New Echota | Treaty with the Cherokee | 7 Stat. 478 | Cherokee | |
1835 | March 14 | Treaty of Washington | Agreement with the Cherokee | N/A | ||
1836 | March 26 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 490 | |||
1836 | March 28 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Ottawa, etc. | 7 Stat. 491 | Ottawa and Ojibwe | |
1836 | March 29 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 498 | |||
1836 | April 11 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 499 | |||
1836 | April 22 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 500 | |||
1836 | April 22 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 501 | |||
1836 | April 23 | Treaty with the Wyandot | 7 Stat. 502 | |||
1836 | May 9 | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 503 | |||
1836 | August 5 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 505 | |||
1836 | September 3 | Treaty with the Menominee | 7 Stat. 506 | |||
1836 | September 10 | Treaty with the Sioux | 7 Stat. 510 | |||
1836 | September 17 | Treaty with the Iowa, etc. | 7 Stat. 511 | |||
1836 | September 20 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 513 | |||
1836 | September 22 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 514 | |||
1836 | September 23 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 515 | |||
1836 | September 27 | Treaty with the Sauk and Fox Tribe | 7 Stat. 516 | |||
1836 | September 28 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | 7 Stat. 517 | |||
1836 | September 28 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | 7 Stat. 520 | |||
1836 | October 15 | Treaty with the Oto, etc. | 7 Stat. 524 | |||
1836 | November 30 | Treaty with the Sioux | 7 Stat. 527 | |||
1837 | January 14 | Treaty of Detroit | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 528 | ||
1837 | January 17 | Treaty of Doaksville | Treaty with the Choctaw and Chickasaw | 11 Stat. 573 | ||
1837 | February 11 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | 7 Stat. 532 | |||
1837 | May 26 | Treaty with the Kiowa, etc. | 7 Stat. 533 | |||
1837 | July 29 | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 536 | |||
1837 | September 29 | Treaty with the Sioux | 7 Stat. 538 | |||
1837 | October 21 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | 7 Stat. 540 | |||
1837 | October 21 | Treaty with the Yankton Sioux | 7 Stat. 542 | |||
1837 | October 21 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | 7 Stat. 543 | |||
1837 | November 1 | Treaty with the Winnebago | 7 Stat. 544 | |||
1837 | November 23 | Treaty with the Iowa | 7 Stat. 547 | |||
1837 | December 20 | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 547 | |||
1838 | January 15 | Treaty of Buffalo Creek | Treaty with the New York Indians | 7 Stat. 550 | Seneca, Mohwak, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga, Tuscarora | |
1838 | January 23 | Treaty of Saginaw | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 565 | ||
1838 | February 3 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Oneida | 7 Stat. 566 | ||
1838 | October 19 | Treaty of Great Nemowhaw | Treaty with the Iowa | 7 Stat. 568 | ||
1838 | November 6 | Treaty of Wabash Forks | Treaty with the Miami | 7 Stat. 569 | ||
1838 | November 23 | Treaty of Fort Gibson | Treaty with the Creeks | 7 Stat. 574 | ||
1839 | January 11 | Treaty of Fort Gibson | Treaty with the Osage | 7 Stat. 576 | ||
1839 | February 7 | Supplement to the Treaty of Detroit | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 578 | ||
1839 | September 3 | Treaty of Stockbridge | Treaty with the Stockbridge and Munsee | 7 Stat. 580 11 Stat. 577 |
1840–1849
Year | Date | Treaty Name | Alternative Treaty Name | Statutes | Land Cession Reference (Royce Area) | Tribe(s) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1840 | November 28 | Treaty of the Wabash | Treaty with the Miami | 7 Stat. 582 | ||
1842 | Treaty with the Wyandot | |||||
1842 | May 20 | Treaty of Buffalo Creek | Treaty with the Seneca | 7 Stat. 586 | Seneca | |
1842 | October 4 | Treaty of La Pointe | Treaty with the Chippewa | 7 Stat. 591 | Ojibwe | |
1842 | October 11 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | 7 Stat. 596 | |||
1843 | Agreement with the Delawares and Wyandot | |||||
1845 | Treaty with the Creeks and Seminole | |||||
1846 | Treaty with the Kansa Tribe | |||||
1846 | Treaty with the Comanche, Aionai, Anadarko, Caddo, etc. | |||||
1846 | Treaty with the Potawatomi Nation | |||||
1846 | Treaty with the Cherokee | |||||
1846 | Treaty with the Winnebago | |||||
1846 | November 21 | Bear Spring Treaty | Treaty with the Navajo | Navajo people | ||
1847 | Treaty with the Chippewa of the Mississippi and Lake Superior | |||||
1847 | Treaty with the Pillager Band of Chippewa Indians | |||||
1848 | August 6 | Treaty of Fort Childs | Treaty with the Pawnee – Grand, Loups, Republicans, etc. | 9 Stat. 949 | Pawnee | |
1848 | October 18 | Treaty with the Menominee | 9 Stat. 952 | Menominee | ||
1848 | November 24 | Treaty with the Stockbridge Tribe | 9 Stat. 955 | Stockbridge Indians (Mahican) | ||
1849 | Treaty with the Navaho | |||||
1849 | December 30 | Treaty of Albuquerque | Treaty with the Utah | 9 Stat. 974 | Ute |
1850–18591860–1869
Year | Date | Treaty Name | Alternative Treaty Name | Statutes | Land Cession Reference (Royce Area) | Tribe(s) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1850 | Treaty with the Wyandot | |||||
1851 | July 23 | Treaty of Traverse des Sioux | Treaty with the Sioux-Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands | Sioux | ||
1851 | August 5 | Treaty of Mendota | Treaty with the Sioux-Mdewakanton and Wahpakoota Bands | Sioux | ||
1851 | September 17 | Treaty of Fort Laramie | Treaty of Fort Laramie with Sioux, etc. | Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Crow, Shoshone, Assiniboine, Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara | ||
1852 | Treaty with the Chickasaw | |||||
1852 | Treaty with the Apache | |||||
1853 | Treaty with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache | |||||
1853 | Agreement with the Rogue River (not ratified) | |||||
1853 | Treaty with the Rogue River, 1853 | |||||
1853 | Treaty with the Umpqua–Cow Creek Band | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Oto and Missouri | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Omaha | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Delawares | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Shawnee | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Menominee | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Iowa | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes of Missouri | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Kickapoo | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Kaskaskia, Peoria, etc. | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Miami | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Creeks | |||||
1854 | September 30 | Treaty of La Pointe (1854) | Treaty with the Chippewa | Ojibwe | ||
1854 | Treaty with the Choctaw and Chickasaw | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Rogue River, 1854 | |||||
1854 | Treaty with the Chasta, etc. | |||||
1854 | Treaty of Calapooia Creek | Treaty with the Umpqua and Kalapuya | ||||
1854 | Treaty with the Confederated Oto and Missouri | |||||
1854 | Treaty of Medicine Creek | Treaty with the Nisqualli, Puyallup, etc. | Nisqually, Puyallup and Squaxin Island | |||
1855 | Willamette Valley Treaty of 1855 Treaty of Dayton | Treaty with the Kalapuya, etc. | ||||
1855 | January 22 | Treaty of Point Elliott | Treaty with the Dwamish, Suquamish, etc., Point Elliott Treaty | Duwamish, Suquamish, Snoqualmie, Snohomish, Lummi, Skagit, Swinomish | ||
1855 | Treaty with the S'klallam | |||||
1855 | January 31 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Wyandot | Wyandot | ||
1855 | January 31 | Treaty of Neah Bay | Treaty with the Makah | Makah | ||
1855 | February 22 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Chippewa | Ojibwe (Mississippi and Pillager) | ||
1855 | February 27 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Winnebago | Ho-chunk | ||
1855 | Treaties of Walla Walla | Treaty with the Wallawalla, Cayuse, etc. | Cayuse, Nez Perce, Umatilla, Walla Walla and Yakama | |||
1855 | Treaty with the Yakima | |||||
1855 | Treaty with the Nez Perces | |||||
1855 | June 22 | Treaty of Washington | Treaty with the Choctaw and Chickasaw | Choctaw and Chickasaw | ||
1855 | Treaty with the Tribes of Middle Oregon | |||||
1855 | Treaty with the Quinaielt, etc. | |||||
1855 | July 16 | Treaty of Hellgate | Treaty with the Flatheads, etc. | Bitterroot Salish, Kootenai and Pend d'Oreilles | ||
1855 | Treaty with the Ottawa and Chippewa | |||||
1855 | Treaty with the Chippewa of Sault Ste. Marie | |||||
1855 | Treaty with the Chippewa of Saginaw, etc. | |||||
1855 | Treaty with the Blackfeet | |||||
1855 | Treaty with the Molala | |||||
1856 | Treaty with the Stockbridge and Munsee | |||||
1856 | Treaty with the Menominee | |||||
1856 | Treaty with the Creeks, etc. | |||||
1857 | Treaty with the Pawnee | |||||
1857 | Treaty with the Seneca, Tonawanda Band | |||||
1858 | Treaty with the Ponca | |||||
1858 | Treaty with the Yankton Sioux | |||||
1858 | Treaty with the Sioux | |||||
1858 | Treaty with the Sioux | |||||
1859 | Treaty with the Winnebago | |||||
1859 | Treaty with the Chippewa, etc. | |||||
1859 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | |||||
1859 | Treaty with the Kansa Tribe |
1860–1869
Year | Date | Treaty Name | Alternative Treaty Name | Statutes | Land Cession Reference (Royce Area) | Tribe(s) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1860 | Treaty with the Delawares | |||||
1861 | Treaty with the Arapaho and Cheyenne | |||||
1861 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes, etc. | |||||
1861 | Treaty with the Delawares | |||||
1861 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | |||||
1862 | Treaty with the Kansa Indians | |||||
1862 | Treaty with the Ottawa of Blanchard's Fork and Roche de Boeuf | |||||
1862 | Treaty with the Kickapoo | |||||
1863 | Treaty with the Chippewa of the Mississippi and the Pillager and Lake Winnibigoshish Bands | |||||
1863 | June 9 | Treaty with the Nez Perce | 14 Stat. 647 | Nez Perce | ||
1863 | Treaty with the Eastern Shoshoni | |||||
1863 | Treaty with the Shoshoni-Northwestern Bands | |||||
1863 | Treaty with the Western Shoshoni | |||||
1863 | Treaty with the Chippewa-Red Lake and Pembina Bands | |||||
1863 | Treaty with the Utah-Tabeguache Band | |||||
1863 | Treaty with the Shoshoni-Goship | |||||
1864 | Treaty with the Chippewa—Red Lake and Pembina Bands | |||||
1864 | Treaty with the Chippewa, Mississippi, and Pillager and Lake Winnibigoshish Bands | |||||
1864 | Treaty with the Klamath, etc. | |||||
1864 | Treaty with the Chippewa of Saginaw, Swan Creek, and Black River | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Omaha | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Winnebago | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Ponca | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Snake | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Osage | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux—Miniconjou Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux—Lower Brule Band | |||||
1865 | Agreement with the Cherokee and Other Tribes in the Indian Territory | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Cheyenne and Arapaho | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Apache, Cheyenne, and Arapaho | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Comanche and Kiowa | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux-Two-Kettle Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Blackfeet Sioux | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux-Sans Arc Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux-Hunkpapa Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux-Yanktonai Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux-Upper Yanktonai Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Sioux-Oglala Band | |||||
1865 | Treaty with the Middle Oregon Tribes | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Seminole | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Chippewa—Bois Fort Band | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Choctaw and Chickasaw | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Creeks | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Delawares | |||||
1866 | Agreement at Fort Berthold, Appendix | |||||
1866 | Treaty with the Cherokee | |||||
1867 | Treaty with the Sauk and Foxes | |||||
1867 | Treaty with the Sioux—Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands | |||||
1867 | Treaty with the Seneca, Mixed Seneca and Shawnee, Quapaw, etc. | |||||
1867 | Treaty with the Potawatomi | |||||
1867 | Treaty with the Chippewa of the Mississippi | |||||
1867 | October 21 | Medicine Lodge Treaty | Treaty with the Kiowa and Comanche | 15 Stat. 581 | ||
1867 | Treaty with the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache | |||||
1867 | Treaty with the Cheyenne and Arapaho | |||||
1868 | Treaty with the Ute | |||||
1868 | Treaty with the Cherokee | |||||
1868 | April 29 | Treaty of Fort Laramie | Treaty with the Sioux—Brule, Oglala, Miniconjou, Yanktonai, Hunkpapa, Blackfeet, Cuthead, Two Kettle, Sans Arcs, and Santee—and Arapaho | 15 Stat. 635 | ||
1868 | Treaty with the Crows | |||||
1868 | Treaty with the Northern Cheyenne and Northern Arapaho | |||||
1868 | June 1 | Treaty of Fort Sumner | Treaty with the Navaho; Navajo Treaty of 1868; Treaty of 1868; Treaty of Hwéeldi | 15 Stat. 667 | Navajo | |
1868 | Treaty with the Eastern Band Shoshoni and Bannock | |||||
1868 | August 13 | Treaty of Lapwai | Treaty with the Nez Perce | 15 Stat. 693 | Nez Perce |
1870–1879
Treaty-making between various Native American governments and the United States officially concluded on March 3, 1871 with the passing of the United States Code Title 25, Chapter 3, Subchapter 1, Section 71 (25 U.S.C. § 71). Pre-existing treaties were grandfathered, and further agreements were made under domestic law.
Year | Date | Treaty Name | Alternative Treaty Name | Statutes | Land Cession Reference (Royce Area) | Tribe(s) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1870 | January 31 | Executive Order | N/A | 527, 528 | San Pasqual and Pala Valley Mission Indians | |
1870 | March 30 | Executive Order | N/A | Round Valley Indian Reservation | ||
1870 | April 12 | Executive Order | N/A | 620, 621 | Arikara, Gros Ventre, and Mandan | |
1870 | April 12 | Executive Order | N/A | 529 | Arikara, Gros Ventre, and Mandan | |
1870 | July 15 | Act of Congress | 16 Stat. 359 | 650 | Kickapoo of Texas and Mexico | |
1870 | July 15 | Act of Congress | 16 Stat. 362 | 534 | Great and Little Osage | |
1870 | July 15 | Act of Congress | 16 Stat. 362 | 530 | Great and Little Osage | |
1871 | February 6 | Act of Congress | 16 Stat. 404 | 403 | Stockbridge and Munsee | |
1871 | March 3 | Act of Congress | United States Code Title 25, Chapter 3, Subchapter 1, Section 71 | 16 Stat. 566 | ||
1871 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 16 Stat. 569 | 650 | Kickapoo of Texas and Mexico | |
1871 | March 14 | Executive Order | N/A | 537 | Paiute, Snake, Shoshoni | |
1871 | March 27 | Executive Order | N/A | 534 | Osage | |
1871 | November 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 531 | Southern Apache | |
1871 | November 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 573, 603 | Apache | |
1871 | November 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 541 | Apache | |
1871 | November 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 582 | Apache | |
1871 | December | Memorandum | N/A | Methow, Okanagan, Kootenay, Pend d'Oreille, Colville, North Spokane, San Poeil et al. | ||
1872 | April 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 533 | Methow, Okanagan, et al. | |
1872 | April 23 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 55 | 566 | Ute | |
1872 | May 8 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 85 | Kaw | ||
1872 | May 23 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 159 | 506 | Potawatomi and Absentee Shawnee | |
1872 | May 29 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 190 | Lake Superior Chippewa | ||
1872 | May 29 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 190 | Cheyenne and Arapaho | ||
1872 | June 1 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 213 | 256 | Miami (Meshin-go-mesia's band) | |
1872 | June 5 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 228 | 534 | Great and Little Osage | |
1872 | June 5 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 228 | 535 | Kaw | |
1872 | June 5 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 266 | Flathead | ||
1872 | June 7 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 281 | Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux | ||
1872 | June 10 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 381 | Ottawa and Chippewa | ||
1872 | June 10 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 388 | Ottawa of Blanchards Fork and Roche de Boeuf | ||
1872 | June 10 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 391 | Omaha, Pawnee, Oto, Missouri, and Sac and Fox of the Missouri | ||
1872 | July 2 | Executive Order | N/A | 533, 536 | Methow, Okanaga, et al. | |
1872 | September 12 | Executive Order | N/A | 537, 638, 646 | Paiute, Snake, and Shoshoni | |
1872 | September 20 | Agreement | Agreement with the Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands of Sioux Indians | Rev. Stat 1050 | 538 | Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands of Sioux |
1872 | September 26 | Agreement | 18 Stat. 291 | 539, 540 | Shoshoni | |
1872 | October 19 | Agreement | N/A | 540A | Wichita and affiliated bands | |
1872 | October 26 | Executive Order | N/A | Makah | ||
1872 | December 14 | Executive Order | N/A | 541, 600 | Apache | |
1872 | December 14 | Executive Order | N/A | Apache | ||
1873 | January 2 | Executive Order | N/A | Makah | ||
1873 | January 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 607 | Tule River, King's River, Owen's River, et al. | |
1873 | February 14 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 456 | 538 | Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux | |
1873 | February 19 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 466 | 249 | New York Indians | |
1873 | March 1 | Executive Order | N/A | 337 | Lac Courte Oreille Band of Chippewa | |
1873 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 539 | 542 | Pembina Chippewa | |
1873 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 631 | 330 | Miami | |
1873 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 633 | 543 | Creek and Seminole | |
1873 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 626 | 544, 583 | Round Valley Indian Reservation | |
1873 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 17 Stat. 626 | Crow | ||
1873 | April 8 | Executive Order | N/A | 576 | Paiute, et al. | |
1873 | April 8 | Executive Order | N/A | 583 | Round Valley Indian Reservation | |
1873 | May 2 | Agreement | Amended Agreement with Certain Sioux Indians | 17 Stat. 456; 18 Stat. 167 | Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands of Sioux | |
1873 | May 29 | Executive Order | N/A | 643, 644 | Mescalero Apache | |
1873 | June 16 | Executive Order | N/A | 545 | Nez Perce | |
1873 | July 5 | Executive Order | N/A | 565, 574 | Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, et al. | |
1873 | August 5 | Executive Order | N/A | 546 | Apache | |
1873 | August 16 | Agreement | N/A | 557 | Crow | |
1873 | September 6 | Executive Order | N/A | 405 | Niskwali, et al. | |
1873 | September 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 349 | Dwamish, et al. | |
1873 | September 13 | Agreement | Brunot Treaty[20] | N/A | 566 | Colorado Ute |
1873 | October 3 | Executive Order | N/A | 547, 607 | Tule river, King's river, Owen's river, et al. | |
1873 | October 21 | Executive Order | N/A | 548 | Makah | |
1873 | November 4 | Executive Order | N/A | 549 | Mississippi Chippewa | |
1873 | November 4 | Executive Order | N/A | 550 | Mississippi Chippewa | |
1873 | November 4 | Executive Order | N/A | 372, 551 | Quinaielt, Quillehute, et al. | |
1873 | November 8 | Executive Order | N/A | 552, 553 | Coeur d'Alene, et al. | |
1873 | November 22 | Executive Order | N/A | 554 | Colorado River Indian Reservation | |
1873 | November 22 | Executive Order | N/A | 555 | Dwamish, et al. | |
1873 | December 10 | Executive Order | N/A | 563 | Jicarilla Apache | |
1873 | December 23 | Executive Order | N/A | 351 | Dwamish, et al. | |
1873 | December 31 | Executive Order | N/A | Santee Sioux | ||
1874 | January 31 | Executive Order | N/A | 557 | Crow | |
1874 | February 2 | Executive Order | N/A | 643 | Mescalero Apache | |
1874 | February 12 | Executive Order | N/A | 558, 576 | Paiute, et al. | |
1874 | February 14 | Executive Order | N/A | Odawa and Ojibwe in Michigan | ||
1874 | February 25 | Executive Order | N/A | 559 | Skokomish (S'klallam) | |
1874 | March 19 | Executive Order | N/A | 560 | Paiute | |
1874 | March 23 | Executive Order | N/A | 561, 562 | Paiute | |
1874 | March 25 | Executive Order | N/A | 563 | Apache (Jicarilla bands) | |
1874 | April 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 564 | Muckleshoot Indian Reservation | |
1874 | April 9 | Executive Order | N/A | 588 | Apache | |
1874 | April 15 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 28 | 565 | Gros Ventre, Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot, River Crow | |
1874 | April 29 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 36 | 566 | Ute | |
1874 | May 26 | Executive Order | N/A | 567, 568 | Pillager Chippewa | |
1874 | June 22 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 140 | 569 | L'Anse and Lac Vieux Desert Ojibwe | |
1874 | June 22 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 166 | 539 | Shoshoni | |
1874 | June 22 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 167 | 538 | Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux | |
1874 | June 22 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 170 | 570 | Omaha | |
1874 | June 22 | Act of Congress | N/A | Kickapoo of Texas and Mexico | ||
1874 | June 23 | Agreement | N/A | 571 | Eastern Shawnee | |
1874 | June 23 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 272 | Kaw | ||
1874 | June 23 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 273 | 572 | Papago | |
1874 | June 23 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 273 | New York Indians | ||
1874 | July 21 | Executive Order | N/A | 573 | Apache | |
1874 | August 19 | Executive Order | N/A | 574 | Gros Ventre, Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot, River Crow | |
1874 | November 16 | Executive Order | N/A | 466, 554, 593 | ||
1874 | November 24 | Executive Order | N/A | 531 | Southern Apache | |
1874 | December 15 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 291 | 539 | Shoshoni | |
1875 | January 11 | Executive Order | N/A | 614 | Sioux | |
1875 | February 12 | Executive Order | N/A | 575 | Shoshone, Bannock, Sheepeater | |
1875 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 445 | 576, 577 | Paiute | |
1875 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 446 | 578, 579 | Alsea Indian Reservation, Siletz Indian Reservation | |
1875 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 447 | 580 | Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians | |
1875 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 18 Stat. 447 | 571 | Modoc | |
1875 | March 16 | Executive Order | N/A | 581 | Sioux | |
1875 | March 25 | Executive Order | N/A | 557 | Crow (Judith Basin Indian Reservation) | |
1875 | April 13 | Executive Order | N/A | 622, 623 | Gros Ventre, Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot, River Crow | |
1875 | April 23 | Executive Order | N/A | 582 | Apache | |
1875 | May 15 | Executive Order | N/A | 589, 646 | Paiute and Shoshoni | |
1875 | May 18 | Executive Order | N/A | 583 | Round Valley Indian Reservation | |
1875 | May 20 | Executive Order | N/A | 614 | Sioux | |
1875 | June 10 | Executive Order | N/A | 545 | Nez Perce | |
1875 | June 23 | Executive Order | N/A | 584 | Sioux | |
1875 | July 3 | Executive Order | N/A | 577 | Paiute | |
1875 | October 20 | Executive Order | N/A | Mescalero Apache | ||
1875 | October 20 | Executive Order | N/A | 585 | Crow | |
1875 | November 22 | Executive Order | N/A | 586 | Ute | |
1875 | December 21 | Executive Order | N/A | 587, 588 | Southern Apache | |
1875 | December 27 | Executive Order | N/A | Missin Indians (Portrero [Rincon, Gapich, LaJolla], Cahuila, Capitan Grande, Santa Ysabel [Mesa Grande], Pala, Agua Caliente, Sycuan, Inaja, Cosmit) |
1880–present
) |
Year | Date | Treaty Name | Alternative Treaty Name | Statutes | Land Cession Reference (Royce Area) | Tribe(s) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1880 | January 6 | Executive Order | N/A | 615 | Navajo | |
1880 | January 17 | Executive Order | N/A | Mission Indians (Agua Caliente Indian Reservation, Santa Ysabel Indian Reservation) | ||
1880 | March 6 | Agreement | 21 Stat. 199 | 616, 617 | Ute | |
1880 | March 6 | Executive Order | N/A | 618 | Nez Perce (Moses' Band) | |
1880 | March 16 | Act of Congress | 21 Stat. 68 | Kaw | ||
1880 | May 14 | Agreement | N/A | Crow | ||
1880 | May 14 | Agreement | N/A | Shoshoni, Bannock, and Sheep-eater | ||
1880 | June 8 | Executive Order | N/A | Havasupai | ||
1880 | June 12 | Agreement | Agreement with the Crows | N/A | 619 | Crow |
1880 | June 15 | Act of Congress | N/A | Ute | ||
1880 | July 13 | Executive Order | N/A | 620, 621 | Arikara, Gros Ventre, and Mandan | |
1880 | July 13 | Executive Order | N/A | 622, 623 | Gros Ventre, Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot, and River Crow | |
1880 | July 13 | Executive Order | N/A | 613 | Sioux (Drifting Goose's Band) | |
1880 | July 23 | Executive Order | N/A | Malheur Indian Reservation | ||
1880 | September 11 | Agreement | N/A | 616, 617 | Ute | |
1880 | September 21 | Executive Order | N/A | 624 | Jicarilla Apache | |
1880 | November 23 | Executive Order | N/A | Havasupai | ||
1882–83 | Agreement with the Sioux of Various Tribes | |||||
1883 | Agreement with the Columbia and Colville | |||||
1891 | January 12 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 712 | Mission Indians | ||
1891 | February 13 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 749 | Sac and Fox | ||
1891 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 1016 | 506 | Citizen Band of Potawatomi | |
1891 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 1022 | 525 | Cheyenne and Arapaho | |
1891 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 1027 | 553 | Coeur d'Alene | |
1891 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 1032 | 712, 713 | Gros Ventre and Mandan | |
1891 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 1035 | 496 | Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux | |
1891 | March 13 | Act of Congress | 26 Stat. 1016 | 506 | Absentee Shawnee | |
1891 | October 16 | Executive Order | N/A | 400, 461 | Hupa et al. | |
1892 | June 17 | Executive Order | N/A | 716 | Fort Berthold Indian Reservation | |
1892 | June 17 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 52 | 400 | Klamath River Indian Reservation | |
1892 | July 1 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 62 | 717, 718 | Colville Indian Reservation | |
1892 | July 13 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 124 | 552 | Coeur d'Alene | |
1892 | July 13 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 139 | 625 | Spokane | |
1892 | October 22 | McCumber Agreement | Agreement Between the Turtle Mountain Indians and the Commission | 52nd-2nd-Ex.Doc.229 | Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa | |
1892 | November 21 | Executive Order | N/A | 655 | Navajo | |
1892 | November 21 | Executive Order | N/A | 719 | Red Lake Band of Chippewa | |
1892 | November 28 | Executive Order | N/A | Yakima | ||
1893 | February 20 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 469 | 720 | White Mountain Apache | |
1893 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 557 | 650 | Kickapoo | |
1893 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 640 | 289 | Cherokee | |
1893 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 643 | 606 | Tonkawa | |
1893 | March 3 | Act of Congress | 27 Stat. 644 | 591 | Pawnee | |
1893 | April 12 | Executive Order | N/A | Osette Indians | ||
1893 | September 11 | Executive Order | N/A | Hoh River Indians | ||
1894 | June 6 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 86 | 370 | Warm Springs | |
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 314 | 411 | Yankton Sioux | |
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 320 | 400 | Yakima | |
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 332 | 552 | Coeur d'Alene | |
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 320 | Yakima | ||
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 323 | 479 | Alsea et al. | |
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 326 | 442 | Nez Perce | |
1894 | August 15 | Act of Congress | 28 Stat. 332 | 652 | Yuma | |
1902 | March 10 | McLaughlin Agreement | Agreement Between the Red Lake Indians and the Commission | 33 Stat. 46 | ||
1904 | April 21 | Act of Congress | Turtle Mountain Chippewa Treaty; 10-cent Treaty; Agreement with the Turtle Mountain Band, amended and ratified | 33 Stat. 194 | Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians |
See also:
- List of treaties
- List of treaties of the Confederate States of America
- List of treaties unsigned or unratified by the United States
Notes and references:
- Jump up ^ The Great Treaty of 1722 Between the Five Nations, the Mahicans, and the Colonies of New York, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, , University of Nebraska–Lincoln
- Jump up ^ However, not all international agreements are considered to be treaties requiring Senate concurrence. This is explained somewhat in a letter from U.S. Ambassador Thomas C. Hubbard to Philippine Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago in connection with the RP-US Vishe other countries, derives from the President's responsibilities for the conduct of foreign relations (Art. II, Sec. 1) and his constitutional powers as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. Senate advice and consent is not needed, inter alia, because the VFA and similar agreements neither change US domestic nor require congressional appropriation of funds. It is important to note that only about five percent of the international agreement entered into by the US Governments require Senate advice and consent.". The letter is quoted in full in Footnote 42 of "G.R. No. 138570. October 10, 2000". Retrieved 2009-01-28.
- Jump up ^ Milestones: 1776-1783: The Model Treaty, 1776, Department of State, Office of the Historian, via archive.org
- Jump up ^ The history of The Netherlands
- Jump up ^ Journals of the Continental Congress --THURSDAY, JANUARY 23, 1783
- Jump up ^ Neutrality – The eighteenth century "Following the end of the war, the United States signed treaties of amity and commerce with Sweden in 1783, Prussia in 1785, and Morocco in 1787."
- Jump up ^ Treaty between the King of Prussia and the United States of America
- Jump up ^ Treaty of Peace and Amity, Signed at Tripoli June 4, 1805 – The Avalon Project at Yale
- Jump up ^ Commercial treaty with England [microform] : Internet Archive
- Jump up ^ TAC Program – United Kingdom Commerce and Navigation Treaty
- Jump up ^ Hertslet's Commercial Treaties, pages 386-391]
- Jump up ^ Treaty with the Ottoman Porte, p. 408. List of the Treaties between the United States and Foreign Nations [to 1845], U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774 - 1875. Library of Congress
- ^ Jump up to: a b Mustafa Aydın, Çağrı Erhan and Gökhan Erdem, CHRONOLOGY OF TURKİSH-AMERİCAN RELATİONS, Faculty of Political Science, Ankara University
- Jump up ^ Treaty of Amity and Commerce, p. 458. List of the Treaties between the United States and Foreign Nations [to 1845], U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875. Library of Congress
- Jump up ^ Treaties List
- Jump up ^ Primary Documents – U.S. Peace Treaty with Austria, 24 August 1921
- Jump up ^ Primary Documents – U.S. Peace Treaty with Hungary, 24 August 1921
- Jump up ^ The Avalon Project : Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy
- Jump up ^ "World's Worst Internet Law" ratified by Senate
- Jump up ^ http://digital.library.okstate.edu/kappler/vol1/html_files/ses0151.html
External links:
- Treaties in Force, United States Department of State
- List of documents relating to the negotiation of ratified and unratified treaties with various Indian Tribes, 1801–1869 (1949) from the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections
- Native American Treaties and Information from UCB Libraries GovPubs
- List of Treaties between the U.S. and Foreign Nations 1778–1845 from the Library of Congress
- List of Treaties between the U.S. and Indian Tribes 1778–1842 from the Library of Congress
- List of Treaties 1845–1851 from the Library of Congress
- List of Treaties 1851–1855 from the Library of Congress
- List of Treaties 1855–1859 from the Library of Congress
- Indian Land Cessions in the U.S., 1784 to 1894: List of Dates
- United States Treaties and International Agreements: 1776-1949
Sources from The Smithsonian, The National Archive, various State Archives, and Wikipedia
This is the original copy of one of the very first US Government Broken Treaties with Native Americans
The Melting Pot (Assimilation) Myth
Author's note: This section is a case study of one state's (California) engagement with Indigenous Tribes, including some attention to the pre-United States European and Mexican eras of California's history. Of all the Myths covered, this is the one that has had the longest and most deleterious impact on California Indigenous people. The text is edited from a document originally written by the National Park Service
This myth is the focus of the US Government's Twentieth Century attack on the integrity and culture of the tribes that survived the assimilation attacks of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. If the reader's question is what more insanity could the American Government bring to Indigenous Tribes and their families and children, the underhanded machinations of federal and state governments cannot be underestimated. In 1900, Indigenous Tribes and their members numbered 250,000 living in the United States. The decimation of whole tribes was unthinkable and yet, it happened more than can be understood. Research here is based upon several sources, most prominently the excellent history of the Indigenous People of California by the National Park Service.
_____________________________
In California,. Indigenous tribes suffered even worse than elsewhere in North America. The heavy hand of the Spanish conquerors of what was then Mexico, forced a number of tribes to live near the chain of missions established by Junipero Serra. Though Father Serra was a cut above average colonial missionaries, the fact remains that many of the tribes in California died out or lost their traditional identity under the Spanish. The purpose of the mission system was to gather the Indigenous people in regional groups nearby each mission, and this began when the missions were being constructed, as that was accomplished using Indigenous tribal members. The treatment of Indigenous people by the Spanish was as a slave to master relationship. The priests in the Catholic Missions had harsh penalties for tribes or members who did not accept hard labor. Like many other Spanish Colonial sites, the harsh treatment of Indigenous people went unreported to the Spanish Crown. As happened in Spanish New Mexico, the tribes revolted. They were harshly deprived of their traditional spirituality, and had to keep it hidden from the Spanish to preserve its integrity. The Mexican successors to the Spanish were not as destructive as the Spanish, but did secularize the Missions, and the large ranchos the wealthy land holders built were maintained by Indigenous labor. When the Americans came to California after the Mexican War, the sheer volume of non-Indigenous people meant that many sites where the California tribes did not have the wherewithal to engage the occupiers in battle. There were 310,000 Indigenous people in California in 1769 as tabulated by the Spanish, By 1840, the number had gone down to 100,000, with scarlet fever, small pox, and pneumonia killing huge numbers of Indigenous people, and the number of tribes was severely reduced. During 1850-1860, in American occupation after the Mexican War, the California Legislature adopted laws which were legally set up to essentially treat the Indigenous people as proto-slaves.
In 1850, An Act for the Government and Protection of Indians was enacted by the first session of the California Legislature. This law set the tone for Indian-White relations to come.
The act provided for the following:
- The Justice of the Peace would have jurisdiction over all complaints between Indians and Whites; "but in no case shall a white man be convicted of any offense upon the testimony of an Indian or Indians."
- Landowners would permit Indians who were peaceably residing on their land to continue to do so.
- Whites would be able to obtain control of Indian children. (This section would eventually be used to justify and provide for Indian slavery.)
- If any Indian was convicted of a crime, any White person could come before the court and contract for the Indian's services, and in return, would pay the Indian's fine.
- It would be illegal to sell or administer alcohol to Indians.
- Indians convicted of stealing a horse, mule, cow, or any other valuable could receive any number of lashes not to exceed 25, and fines not to exceed $200. (It should be noted that the law provided that abusing an Indian child by Whites was to be punished by no more than a $10 fine. It is hard to compare the penalty with the crime.)
- Finally, an Indian found strolling, loitering where alcohol was sold, begging, or leading a profligate course of life would be liable for arrest. The justice, mayor, or recorder would make out a warrant. Within 24 hours, the services of the Indian in question could be sold to the highest bidder. The term of service would not exceed four months.
Author Comment: This description of forced labor under what would be suspicious legal practice, the Indigenous person would have no choices in his sentence. The resulting 4 months of hard labor constituted slavery. This is not unlike some of the more abusive conditions that African Americans endured when sentenced to Parchman Farm in Mississippi, or similar detention camps when slavery had been outlawed but forced labor laws for "offenders" was the usual practice.
According to the National Park Service, in their official online history of the Indigenous people of California:
In 1860, the law of 1850 was amended to state that Indian children and any vagrant Indian could be put under the custody of Whites for the purpose of employment and training. Under the law, it was possible to retain the service of Indians until 40 years of age for men and 35 years of age for women. This continued the practice of Indian slavery and made it legal for Indians to be retained for a longer period of time and be taken at a younger age.
In further documenting the treatment of Indigenous people by Americans after 1845, The Parks Service history states:
That part of the early intercourse between aboriginal Americans and European which belongs to history may be briefly given, short work was made of it in California. The savages(sic) were in the way; the miners and settlers were arrogant and impatient; there were no missionaries or others present with even the poor pretense of soul saying or civilizing. It was one of the last human hunts of civilization, and the basest and most brutal of them all. (Bancroft, 1963a:474)"The Indians had a precisely balanced relationship with their food supply. Soon after the arrival of the Americans serious depletion of that supply began to occur: mining operations adversely affected salmon fishing and destroyed fish dams." (Heizer, 1978:108) On the Americans' arrival, the large ranchos were broken up, and the new, more numerous landowners on smaller parcels of land were less tolerant of Indians. The small ranchos were farmed and grazed more intensively, and this caused an even greater reduction in the Indians' natural food supply. Jobs once belonging to Indians, especially skilled jobs, were taken by Whites. We need only look at the early record of the California Legislature to understand the relationship of the Americans to the native population during this era. At the first California State Constitutional Convention, those assembled voted to eliminate the Indians' right to vote because they feared the control Indians might exercise. In 1850, An Act for the Government and Protection of Indians was enacted by the first session of the State Legislature. This law set the tone for Indian-White relations to come. The act provided for the following:
During 1851 and 1852, the California Legislature authorized payment of $1,100,000 for the "supression of Indian hostilities. Again, in 1857, the Legislature issued bonds for $410,000 for the same purpose." (Heizer, 1978:108) While theoretically attempting to resolve White-Indian conflicts, these payments only encouraged Whites to form volunteer companies and try to eliminate all the Indians in California. In 1860, the law of 1850 was amended to state that Indian children and any vagrant Indian could be put under the custody of Whites for the purpose of employment and training. Under the law, it was possible to retain the service of Indians until 40 years of age for men and 35 years of age for women. This continued the practice of Indian slavery and made it legal for Indians to be retained for a longer period of time and be taken at a younger age. In 1862, the Alta California reported: "Little more than a hundred miles from San Francisco, in Mendocino County, the practice of Indian stealing is still extensively carried out. Only recently, George H. Woodman was caught near Ukiah with sixteen Indian children, as he was about to take them out of the county for sale. It is well known that a number of men in that region have for years made it their profession to capture and sell unfortunate juveniles, the price ranging from $30 to $150 depending on their quality." (Harrison, 1966:4) This was not an isolated situation. U.S. Agent George Hanson reported: "A band of desperate men have carried on a system of kidnapping for two years past. Indian children were seized and carried into lower counties and sold into virtual slavery. . . . The kidnappers follow at the heels of the soldiers to seize these children when their parents are murdered to sell them at the best advantage." (Balin, 1971:18) When there was no other way, there was "a class of whites who systematically killed adults to get their children." (Ibid., p. 19) The other practice that provided much of the labor force, especially in southern California, was to have city officials pick up Indians as vagrants. These officials would then turn the Indians over to the ranchers and other people who needed laborers. This was all done under the provisions of the 1850 law. After four months or some other term of service, the employer would return the Indians to the city, usually to a place where alcohol was served. Shortly after their return, the Indians would be picked up once again as vagrants, and returned to the labor force. These types of activities occurred until 1866, when, to comply with the 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution, the State Legislature repealed the law. The 14th Amendment provides that no state should infringe on any citizen's "privileges or immunities" nor "deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," nor deny to any person "the equal protection of the law." |
The Park Service history goes on to state:
That part of the early intercourse between aboriginal Americans and European which belongs to history may be briefly given, short work was made of it in California. The savages were in the way; the miners and settlers were arrogant and impatient; there were no missionaries or others present with even the poor pretense of soul saying or civilizing. It was one of the last human hunts of civilization, and the basest and most brutal of them all. (Bancroft, 1963a:474)"The Indians had a precisely balanced relationship with their food supply. Soon after the arrival of the Americans serious depletion of that supply began to occur: mining operations adversely affected salmon fishing and destroyed fish dams." (Heizer, 1978:108) On the Americans' arrival, the large ranchos were broken up, and the new, more numerous landowners on smaller parcels of land were less tolerant of Indians. The small ranchos were farmed and grazed more intensively, and this caused an even greater reduction in the Indians' natural food supply. Jobs once belonging to Indians, especially skilled jobs, were taken by Whites. We need only look at the early record of the California Legislature to understand the relationship of the Americans to the native population during this era. At the first State Constitutional Convention, those assembled voted to eliminate the Indians' right to vote because they feared the control Indians might exercise. In 1850, An Act for the Government and Protection of Indians was enacted by the first session of the State Legislature. This law set the tone for Indian-White relations to come. During 1851 and 1852, the California Legislature authorized payment of $1,100,000 for the "supression of Indian hostilities. Again, in 1857, the Legislature issued bonds for $410,000 for the same purpose." (Heizer, 1978:108) While theoretically attempting to resolve White-Indian conflicts, these payments only encouraged Whites to form volunteer companies and try to eliminate all the Indians in California. In 1860, the law of 1850 was amended to state that Indian children and any vagrant Indian could be put under the custody of Whites for the purpose of employment and training. Under the law, it was possible to retain the service of Indians until 40 years of age for men and 35 years of age for women. This continued the practice of Indian slavery and made it legal for Indians to be retained for a longer period of time and be taken at a younger age. In 1862, the Alta California reported: "Little more than a hundred miles from San Francisco, in Mendocino County, the practice of Indian stealing is still extensively carried out. Only recently, George H. Woodman was caught near Ukiah with sixteen Indian children, as he was about to take them out of the county for sale. It is well known that a number of men in that region have for years made it their profession to capture and sell unfortunate juveniles, the price ranging from $30 to $150 depending on their quality." (Harrison, 1966:4) This was not an isolated situation. U.S. Agent George Hanson reported: "A band of desperate men have carried on a system of kidnapping for two years past. Indian children were seized and carried into lower counties and sold into virtual slavery. . . . The kidnappers follow at the heels of the soldiers to seize these children when their parents are murdered to sell them at the best advantage." (Balin, 1971:18) When there was no other way, there was "a class of whites who systematically killed adults to get their children." (Ibid., p. 19) The other practice that provided much of the labor force, especially in southern California, was to have city officials pick up Indians as vagrants. These officials would then turn the Indians over to the ranchers and other people who needed laborers. This was all done under the provisions of the 1850 law. After four months or some other term of service, the employer would return the Indians to the city, usually to a place where alcohol was served. Shortly after their return, the Indians would be picked up once again as vagrants, and returned to the labor force. These types of activities occurred until 1866, when, to comply with the 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution, the State Legislature repealed the law. The 14th Amendment provides that no state should infringe on any citizen's "privileges or immunities" nor "deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," nor deny to any person "the equal protection of the law." The Park Service history continues: While the state was enslaving and eliminating California natives, the federal government, in 1851, appointed three commissioners to negotiate treaties with California Indians. By 1852, 18 treaties had been negotiated with 139 tribes. The treaties were negotiated because the federal government perceived Indian tribes as foreign nations, and treaties were the legal means for developing an agreement and ensuring peace with them. The 18 treaties set aside 7,488,000 acres of land, or approximately one-third of California, for Indian use. This land settlement was similar to that negotiated with other tribes in other states. The treaties also provided funds for materials and food to allow the Indians to become self-sufficient. The treaties met with hostility in California. On January 16 and February 11, 1852, the State Senate concluded that the treaties "committed an error in assigning large portions of the richest mineral and agricultural lands to the Indians, who did not appreciate the land's value." (Ellison, 1925:4-5) The legislature instructed the United States senators from California to oppose ratification of the treaties, and called for the government to remove the Indians from the state as they had done in other states. In February 1852, President Millard Fillmore submitted the 18 treaties to the United States Senate for ratification. The California senators were recognized and the Senate went into secret session to discuss the treaties. During this session, the Senate failed to ratify the treaties, and by order, they were placed in secret files, where they remained for the next 53 years. In 1871, the United States Congress declared that it would no longer negotiate treaties with American Indians. Although the United States Government failed to ratify the treaties, it did continue the policy of setting up reservations and moving the Indians to them. However, no attempt was made to negotiate new treaties. In 1852, while not acknowledging any claims of California Indians to the land, the United States appointed Edward F. Beale as the first Superintendent of Indian Affairs in California. Beale's plan was to establish five reserves on which the Indians would reside. Congress appropriated $250,000, and in September 1853, Beale gathered some 2,000 Indians and established the 50,000-acre Tejon Reserve. By focusing all his effort at Tejon, Beale neglected some 61,000 hungry natives. "Beale declared that humanity must yield to necessity, they are not dangerous, therefore they must be neglected." (Heizer, 1978:110) In 1854, Beale was removed from his post. However, based on the information he acquired as superintendent, Beale eventually gained control of the reservation land. Congress appointed Col. Thomas J. Henley as the new superintendent in 1854. Henley, following Beale's original plan, established the Nome Lackee Reservation; Nome Cult, Mendocino; Fresno Indian Farm; and Kings River Indian Farm. However, Henley did not act in the best interest of California Indians. The reservations suffered from lack of water. Squatters grazed their cattle on the unfenced land and destroyed crops that were being raised to support the Indians. "Most of these squatters were business partners or relatives of Henley and, therefore, impossible to remove." (Heizer, 1978:110) It is important to note that all of these early reserves eventually left federal ownership, and the Indians who resided on them were once again forced to move to other lands to make new homes. Every time Indians were removed, the commissioners prospered. In 1870, in an attempt to get away from corrupt superintendents and to convert the Indians to Christianity, the federal government turned over operation of the reservations to the Quaker Church. In California, the Methodists, Baptists, and other churches eventually took on management of the reservations. While the new management was not corrupt and was far better for the general welfare of the Indians, the church was less tolerant of Indians continuing their traditional beliefs. Thus, the reservations became missions and the first tools under American control to be used in assimilating Indians into the general population. Once again, California Indians were confronted with change and forced to adapt from being prisoners-of-war to being wards of the church. |
In the early 1880s, Helen Hunt Jackson wrote A Century of Dishonor and sent a copy of her book to each United States congressman. She was then appointed to a commission to examine the condition of Indians in Southern California. Her visits resulted in The Report on the Condition and Needs of the Mission Indians of California, by special agents Helen Jackson and Abbot Kinney. The report summarized the problems and concerns of Southern California Indians; many of the conditions outlined in the report, however, were applicable to all California Indians. The report noted that Indians had been continually displaced from their land. She also noted that while many Indians had taken "immoral" paths, others had chosen the responsibilities of herding animals and raising crops. In her report, she also noted that the United States government had done little to right the wrongs of the past. While Jackson did not solve all the problems of Southern California Indians, her work did bring their concerns to the attention of the American public and Congress.
The National Park Service history continues:
One recurring concern was the lack of education and training necessary for survival in American society. The government, as well as Jackson, saw education as a way of assimilating Indians into the mainstream of United States society.
The period began of establishing "Indian Schools" to strip the tribe member of his or her identity as a member of the tribe began.
Reports from the Secretary of the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs at that time expressed the goals of the government in relation to the educational process. In 1908, one report stated, "the rooms held three or four each and it was arranged that no two tribes were placed in the same room. This not only helped in the acquirement of English, but broke up tribal and race clannishness, a most important victory in getting Indians toward real citizens." (Spicer, 1969:235) An earlier report stated, "I can see no reason why a strong government like ours should not govern and control them [Indians] and compel each one to settle down and stay in one place, his own homestead, wear the white man's clothing, labor for his own support, and send his children to school." (Spicer, 1969:236) Other people had even stronger ideas. For instance, George Ellis, in his book, The Red Man and the White Man in North America, wrote, "The Indian must be made to feel he is in the grasp of a superior." (Ellis 1882:572) In opposition to this view, the Indian Rights Association was formed in 1882. This Indian advocate group would play a powerful role in formulating Indian policy in upcoming years.
Author's Note: This era of sending Indigenous children off their reservation and away from their family to boarding school was the single most traumatic experience most Indigenous people report in their lives. The actions of cutting their hair, prohibiting them from speaking their native language, and not allowing any action that could be interpreted as coming from their home tribe effective caused a whole generation of children to forget their language and spirituality and to be thought of as not fitting in with the tribe members who avoided "Indian Boarding Schools." This governmental action, along with breaking reservations into parcels of land to be sold constituted a disorientation of tribal life not dissimilar to the Nazis in Germany with their marking Judaic citizens with identification, banishing them to a common ghetto, and forcing them to leave their homes or be liquidated. In the case of Indigenous people, boarding school former students cite feelings of alienation, isolation, and having there culture ripped away, leaving them in a horrible netherworld somewhere between White and Red cultures. The resulting anguish and anger led tribal members to become hostile in most cases, and in rare cases violent.
While the approaches differed, all agreed that education was necessary. "In California, three types of educational programs were established for native peoples. The first was the Federal Government reservation day school. The second type was the boarding school, fashioned after Carlisle. And finally, the nearby public school that allowed Indians to attend began a slow, though steady, increase in popularity among policy makers." (Heizer, 1978:115) While the public schools seemed the best alternative, most Indians did not have the right to attend these schools until the 1920s.
In 1881, an elementary school system for Indians was established in California. However, the Indians soon recognized that the schools were a threat to their culture, as well as to the tribe as a political unit. "As a result, considerable resistance to the schools developed. Native peoples destroyed the day school at Potrero in 1888, and burned the school at Tule River in 1890. At Pachanga, a Luiseno named Venturo Molido, burned the school and assassinated the school teacher in 1895." (Heizer, 1978:115)
Here is the result of establishing Boarding Schools for Indigenous children:
Much of the destruction and violence could have been avoided if the school system and the government had recognized the great importance the Indians placed on being able to maintain their cultural beliefs. In 1891, school attendance was made mandatory. But while attendance was mandatory, there were still Indian children who did not attend.
As many Indigenous People know all too well:
The major tool the government used in trying to assimilate Indigenous persons during this time was the General Allotment Act of 1887, also known as the Dawes Act, which appeared to be generally advantageous to Indians. However, the major intent of the act was to break down the role of tribal government. The act itself provided that each Indian living on a reservation would receive a 160-acre allotment of land per family unit, and each single man would receive 80 acres if the reservation had enough land. If there was not enough land, other provisions were made. Indians not residing on a reservation would be entitled to settle on any surveyed or unsurveyed government lands not appropriated. The lands allotted would be held in trust for 25 years by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. If all other provisions of the act were met, that is, if the Indians made use of the lands for agriculture and became self-sufficient, then the land would become the property of the individual. "Native people understood full well the implications of allotment and offered considerable resistance. Nevertheless, the Bureau of Indian Affairs began ordering allotments of various sizes at Rincon, Morongo, and Pala Reservations in 1893. . . . The next year, allotments were begun at Round Valley Reservation. By the turn of the century, 1,614 individual allotments were made among eight reservations in the state." (Heizer, 1978:117)
Long before the passage of the Dawes Act, people recognized that problems would occur from its implementation. In 1881, Senator Henry Moore Teller of Colorado spoke in opposition to an earlier form of the Allotment Act. Senator Teller concluded, "If I stand alone in the Senate, I want to put upon the record my prophecy in this matter, that when 30 or 40 years shall have passed and these Indians shall have parted with their title, they will curse the hand that was raised professedly in their defense to secure this kind of legislation, and if the people who are clamoring for it understood Indian character and Indian laws, and Indian morals, and Indian religion, they would not be here clamoring for this at all." (Spicer, 1969:234) The senator would soon be proven correct.
Other Indians, such as the Cupenos from Warner Springs, chose to fight for their lands in the courts. With the assistance of the Indian Rights Association, they began a suit to stop their eviction from their home at the Warner Ranch. In 1888, they won a favorable decision which temporarily stopped their eviction. However, the case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court, and in 1903, the Cupenos were evicted from their home.
Some tribes chose to purchase land for their tribe:
Still other Indians chose to purchase land which was once theirs and reside on it. However, not every transaction was fair. In 1904, the San Francisco Chronicle reported that Indians who bought land from Whites were being dispossessed by the heirs of the granters, who gave no valid titles. "The Northern California Indian Association reported that about 10,000 Indians lived on land to which whites hold title. They were subject to eviction 'at any time.' The Indians are recognized for what they are not, usually competent to compete with white men in economic struggle. . . . Congress should buy lands for Indians in locations where they now are and allot them small farms in severalty. . . . It is also asked that their status as to citizenship be satisfactorily established. This petition is now before congress. It should be granted for justice and honesty. . . ." (San Francisco Chronicle, 1904). The struggle for homes would continue.
The 20th Century Brings More Hardships and Victories
In 1905, Indians became more involved in matters concerning them. With the rediscovery of the 18 lost treaties, Indians and their supporters began a drive for land, better education, the rights of citizenship, and settlement of the unfulfilled treaty conditions. This period held victories for Indians as well as the beginning of many battles that would take a long time to resolve.
"Senate action on the treaties was secret. And thus the matter rested, gathering dust in the archives of the government until clerks working in the secret Senate files found the slumbering treaties. That was in 1905." (Footnight, 1954:24) Thus the California land claims case began. As early as 1909, the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco was looking into the matter of Indian rights under the 18 treaties. "And in 1924 a special section on Indian Affairs was formed for the purpose of making a complete study of the rights, wrongs, and present condition of California Indians." (Johnson, 1966:36)
"Another group that was active in this area was the Native Sons of the Golden West. Study committees were formed and publicity as to the needs of the California Indians appeared in its magazine, The California Grizzly Bear. In 1922 and again in 1925, there were articles of real importance in arousing public opinion. There were many other groups active in the cause of the California Indians: among them were the Indian Welfare Committee of the Federated Women's Clubs, the California Indian Rights Association, Inc., the Northern California Indian Association, the Mission Indian Federation, and the Women's Christian Temperance Union." (Johnson, 1966:36)
"The early 1920s witnessed the evolution of the powerful Mission Indian Federation in southern California. The Federation was headed by a White man, Jonathan Tibbets of Riverside, but like the Indian Board of Cooperation, the Federation had a large body of Indian members. Non-Indians dominated many meetings and urged the membership to follow their advice. However, the Bureau of Indian Affairs soon grew intolerant of all these Indian concern groups and provoked an incident that persuaded many people that Indian grievances were indeed legitimate. 'At the Federal meetings expressions of ill will or hostility to the government were occasionally heard. Grievances were aired and complaints, both legitimate and trivial, were uttered. As a result and under orders of the Department of Justice, some 57 Indians were placed under arrest on the charge of conspiracy against the government. Upon arraignment they were dismissed without bail.' " (Heizer, 1978:715)
Another organization which has already been mentioned was the Indian Board of Cooperation. The board was founded in 1910 by a Methodist minister, Fredrick Collett. "The policy of the Board is to encourage the Indians to do for themselves everything that they can, and to assist them in the doing of these things that they can not do without help." The Board's objectives included organizing Indians, obtaining passage of a bill so Indians could present their claims to the United States Court of Claims, obtaining legal services, ensuring funds appropriated for Indians be used for the Indians' best interest, and promoting all movements intended to enhance the welfare of Indians. (California Indian Herald, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1923:11)
In 1919, the board established auxiliaries which were small Indian organizations that acted on the local level and raised funds for the board through memberships and special events. The Indian Board of Cooperation assisted Indians on many issues over the next decades. By May 1924, the board boasted 88 auxiliaries, with a membership of 10,400. (California Indian ) Herald, 1924:2While Indians could belong to the auxiliaries, the board was made up of Whites. Most of the funds the board used for operation were obtained from Indians who paid between four and six dollars each to be members. Thus, much of the cost of financing the early land claims case came from Indians themselves. This action made the Indigenous People self-advocates in the great American tradition. The Indigenous Tribes found the way to speak for their own benefit. The era of treating Indigenous Tribes as being in need of someone outside the tribe to speak for them was over.
In 1919, the board established auxiliaries which were small Indian organizations that acted on the local level and raised funds for the board through memberships and special events. The Indian Board of Cooperation assisted Indians on many issues over the next decades. By May 1924, the board boasted 88 auxiliaries, with a membership of 10,400. (California Indian ) Herald, 1924:2While Indians could belong to the auxiliaries, the board was made up of Whites. Most of the funds the board used for operation were obtained from Indians who paid between four and six dollars each to be members. Thus, much of the cost of financing the early land claims case came from Indians themselves. This action made the Indigenous People self-advocates in the great American tradition. The Indigenous Tribes found the way to speak for their own benefit. The era of treating Indigenous Tribes as being in need of someone outside the tribe to speak for them was over.
California Indians obtained the opportunity to file in the United States Court of Claims when the Indian Board of Cooperation assisted in filing what came to be known as the "Test Case." "The suit is brought as a test case to establish the rights of all tribes and bands of California Indians whose lands were taken from them without fair compensation." (California Indian Herald, 1923:4) The case involved 1,008 square miles located in the Klamath National Forest, in Humboldt and Siskiyou counties. The case asked what legal rights the government had to the land. While the Indians never won back the land in question, the case did raise an important question: Did Indians have a right to redress for the lands lost?
In 1927, the California Legislature enacted "An act to authorize the attorney general to bring suit against the United States in the court of claims in behalf of the Indians of the State of California in the event that the Congress of the United States authorizes the same." (Johnson, 1966:37) For the first time, California Indians had the support of the California Legislature in their effort to seek redress for the settlements made in the 18 treaties that were not ratified.
In 1928, the United States Congress passed the California Indian Jurisdictional Act, also known as the Lea Act. The law provided that ". . . by defining California Indians as those who resided in the state on June 1, 1852 and their descendants now living in the state. . . . All claims of whatsoever nature of the Indians . . . be submitted to the Court of Claims by the Attorney General of the State of California acting for and on behalf of said Indians . . . with the right of either party to appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. . . . It is hereby declared that the loss to said Indians on account of their failure to secure the lands and compensation provided for in the eighteen unratified treaties is sufficient ground for equitable relief . . . the value of any lands so granted could not be in excess of $1.25 per acre. (Johnson, 1966:37) The law signified the legal beginning of the land claims case. "While the Lea Act had, as indicated, some undesirable features, it was a step forward, as it was the first act of Congress of this nature after twenty years of effort." (Johnson, 1966:35)
"With the rediscovery, in 1905, of the 'lost' treaties of 1851, public opinion began to favor the Indians. Between 1906 and 1910, legislation was passed appropriating funds which were used to purchase many small tracts of land in central and north central California for the landless Indians of those areas. These tracts today are the bulk of those Indian lands known as 'rancherias.' " (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1966:13) While the act provided lands for many Indians, still others had to go to the legislature to ask for help. A 77-year-old Pit River man stated: "My people are homeless. They are driven from place to place by the white men on whose property they seek refuge. The Washington Government does not aid us. Our children are not wanted in the schools. We have no medical aid for our sick. We have no implements, nor lands for farming. My people are willing to work. Give us a place in the desert and we will be happy." (California Indian Herald, 1923:13) So even in the 1920s, the problem of homeless Indians continued though the issue of land was at last being addressed.
The lack of land was not the only problem confronting Indians. "General conditions in the Far West were far from good in 1919-1920, after more than a half-century of conquest. McDowell wrote in 1919 of the majority of California Indians 'that more than all else, they have for generations been treated by their white neighbors as an inferior people and have been accepting that appraisement quite as a matter of course. . . . They get their own living with the work of their own hands. . . . With apparently few exceptions, the California Indians are seasonal, or casual, work people. The earning time for the great majority is the growing seasons. . . . [Others] of them find employment in sawmills, on the surface of mines, in logging camps, and on railroads and public roads. During sheep shearing season these Indians are in demand. . . . They herd cattle, milk cows, and do general farm labor. The women who live near cities and towns go out by day as domestics and laundresses.' " (Forbes, 1969:74) The general welfare of California Indians continued to be poor, but they resumed their efforts to gain civil rights.
Indians began to view education differently in this era. Much of this change in attitude may have derived from the support groups that assisted them. While many Indians continued to attend boarding schools and day schools, more Indians began to attend public school in California. "In 1915 only 316 Indian pupils were attending public school in California but by 1919 this number had increased to 2199." (Forbes, 1967:73) In 1917, the federal government decided to have Indians attend public schools. Even after this policy was adopted, however, the right to attend public school was not granted to every Indian child. "Between the 1920's and early 1940's, the Bureau of Indian Affairs ceased to have any appreciable role in California-Nevada Indian education, thanks in great measure to Indian efforts to establish local public schools or to gain admittance to existing schools. The latter was facilitated by the case of Piper vs. Big Pine School District (1924) in which Indians won the right to attend public schools." (Forbes, 1969:118)
In 1917, a major victory for Indians occurred when the California Supreme Court decided that California Indians were citizens. In 1922, 50 Hoopa Indians took advantage of citizenship and voted in the general election. They had to travel 24 miles to do so, but "for the first time in their history voted as free-born American citizens." (California Indian Herald, 1923:14). While California Indians had been acknowledged as citizens, it was not until June 2, 1924 that the Indian Citizenship Act was passed. Among other things the Indian Citizenship Act contained one provision of special interest to California Indians: "That the granting of such citizenship shall not in any manner impair or otherwise affect the right of any to tribal or other property." The granting of citizenship came 100 years after the Indians were first granted citizenship by the Mexican government. It also came after more than 10,000 Indians had fought in the First World War.
The granting of citizenship in 1924 should have guaranteed Indians their First Amendment right of religious freedom. However, as late as the 1920s, the Bureau of Indian Affairs made a deliberate effort to control and in some cases eliminate the Indians' ability to practice their religious beliefs. "On April 26, 1921, during the Secretaryship of Albert B. Fall, Commissioner Charles H. Burke of the Bureau of Indian Affairs addressed to all Indian Superintendents (Indian Agents) a document called Circular 1665. He stated: 'The sundance and all other similar dances and so called religious ceremonies are considered 'Indian Offenses' under existing regulations and corrective penalties are provided. I regard such restrictions as applicable to any (religious) dance which involves . . . the reckless giving away of property . . . frequent and prolonged periods of celebration . . . in fact, any disorderly or plainly excessive performance that promotes superstitions, cruelty, licentiousness, idleness, danger of health, and shiftless indifference of family welfare. In all such instance, the regulations should be enforced." (Indian Defense Association of Central and Northern California)
On February 14, 1923, a supplement to Circular 1665 was issued. Some of the main features of the amendment were that "Indian dances be limited to one day in the midweek and at one center of each district; the months of March, April, June, July and August being exempted (no dances in these months). That none take part in the dances or be present who are under 50 years of age. That a careful propaganda be undertaken to educate public opinion against the (Indian religious) dance." (Ibid.)"Then on February 24, 1923, the Commissioner broadcasted a 'Message to All Indians.' It read: 'I could issue an order against these useless and harmful performances, but I would rather have you give them up of your own free will, and, therefore, I ask you in this letter to do so. If at the end of one year the reports which I receive show that you are doing as requested, I shall be glad, for I shall know that you are making progress — but if the reports show that you reject this plea, then some other course will have to be taken.'" (Ibid.)
The restriction on religion led John Collier to write:"Now today, this late date, the Indian Bureau has commenced a new onslaught. The Indians are deeply and universally religious. They still know how as tribes to follow ancient paths leading to the water of heaven. United in this life of religion, they can still stand up together as men, and they can still cling to their coveted remnants of soil. They can resist the efforts to turn them into drifting social half-breeds slave-driven by 6,000 Indian Bureau job holders who make their living 'civilizing' the Indians. Therefore, an actual inquisition shall be elaborated against their adult worship. Their treasure of the soul which no man yet has known enough to be able to estimate shall be forcibly thrown away; their last liberty and last dignity and their end of life, which they know to be God, shall be denied." (Ibid.) So the passing of the Citizenship Act in 1924 meant much more than the right to vote; it meant that all constitutional guarantees would be afforded to this country's first inhabitants. While freedom of religion is one of those rights, it was more than 50 years before the Indians' constitutional right of religion would be guaranteed.
Old School House at Ft. Bidwell, Modoc County
During the next three decades, California Indians continued to experience ups and downs. In 1934, two major pieces of legislation were enacted that affected California Indians: the Indian Reorganization Act and the Johnson-O'Malley Act. Of these, the Indian Reorganization Act probably had the more far-reaching effects. First, the act provided for keeping Indian land in trust; it returned to the tribe reservation land that remained surplus after allotments; and it restricted the granting of rights-of-way over reservation lands, restricted release of lands, and provided for the Secretary of the Interior to purchase inholdings in the reservation for Indian use. The act also ordered that forests on Indian lands be managed on a sustained-yield basis, authorized $250,000 to defray the expenses of organizing Indian-chartered corporations or other organizations under the act, and provided $10,000,000 for a revolving fund to promote economic development. Finally, the act provided for loans to Indians to attend trade or vocational schools.
"The viewpoint underlying the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 was most fully and clearly expressed by John Collier, as in this memorandum written while he was Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1943: 'I see the broad function of Indian policy and Indian administration to be the development of Indian democracy and equality within the framework of American and world democracy. . . . The most significant clue to achieving full Indian democracy with and as a part of American democracy, is the continued survival, through all historical change and disaster, of the Indian Tribal group, both as a real entity and a legal entity. I suspect the reason we do not always give this fact the recognition it deserves is that we do not want to recognize it. . . . Congress through the Indian Reorganization Act, invoked the tribe as a democratic operational mechanism. . . . We can divest ourselves of the lingering fear that tribalism is a regression, and we can look upon it as a most important single step in assimilating Indians to modern democratic life. . . . Indians have the right of self-determination. . . .
The Indian office is moving from guardian to advisor from administrator to friend in court (Spicer, 1969:247-248) The Indian Reorganization Act was based on the assumption that the way to assimilate Indians into American society was to have tribal government work as a democracy, much as the United States government operates. This was a reversal in attitude from the Dawes Act of 1887, which attempted to disband Indian tribal organization. However, both acts sought in different ways the goal of Indian self-determination.
The Indian office is moving from guardian to advisor from administrator to friend in court (Spicer, 1969:247-248) The Indian Reorganization Act was based on the assumption that the way to assimilate Indians into American society was to have tribal government work as a democracy, much as the United States government operates. This was a reversal in attitude from the Dawes Act of 1887, which attempted to disband Indian tribal organization. However, both acts sought in different ways the goal of Indian self-determination.
Another important piece of legislation was "the Johnson O'Malley Act which provided federal funding to local school districts to pay costs for reservation residents in lieu of local taxes." (Heizer, 1978:125) This act removed the only remaining argument against Indian children attending public schools. It also provided that Indian children no longer needed to be moved long distances from their homes and families to attend school, even though some still chose to do so. Toward the end of World War II and immediately thereafter, Indians began to establish organizations. The major difference between these organizations and earlier ones was that Indians governed them. Three important organizations that were established were the Native American Church, the National Congress of American Indians, and the Federated Indians of California.
The Congress of American Indians was established "to enlighten the public toward a better understanding of the Indian people; to preserve Indian cultural values; to seek an equitable adjustment to tribal affairs and tribal claims; to secure and to preserve rights under Indian treaties or agreements with the United States; to promote the common welfare of the American Indian; and to foster the continued loyalty and allegiance of the American Indians to the flag of the United States. . . ." (Spicer, 1969:290)
The Native American Church was established for a much different purpose, the advancement of Native American religion. The reasons for its establishment are found in the church's preamble and articles of incorporation, which state, "Whereas, The 'human rights' of all citizens of our country are guaranteed and protected by amendment 1 to the Constitution of our country . . . this corporation is formed to foster and promote religious believers in Almighty God and the customs of the several Tribes of Indians throughout the United States in the worship of a Heavenly Father and to promote morality, sobriety, industry, charity, and the right living and cultivate a spirit of self-respect and brotherly love and union among the members (Spicer, 1969:288)
Finally, the Federated Indians of California was established for a very specific reason. "In 1944 the Court of Claims awarded the California Indian their first substantial judgment, netting them approximately $5,000,000." (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1966:13) However, in establishing the $5,000,000 amount, the court followed the mandate of the Lea Act, which provided ". . . a gross recovery, the benefits which were to have been paid to only 1/3 to 1/2 of them under the 18 unratified treaties of 1851-1852. By this proposed settlement this figure is now established at $17,816,624.48. From this figure must be deducted . . . the subsequent specific benefits granted by the government to all of the Indians . . . this amount is fixed at $12,650,761.02." (Kenny, 1944:44) Benefits granted to the Indians included items such as thread, thimbles, needles, hoes, etc. However, the vast majority of the $12,000,000 covered administrative costs of running the Bureau of Indian Affairs in California. Add to this those funds misspent early on, and it is easy to see that Indians actually received very little benefit from the $12,000,000.
The proposed $5,000,000 settlement caused an uproar. In response to the controversy, the government established the Indian Land Claims Commission in 1946. Because Indians were no longer willing to allow non-Indians to push the Indian cause, in 1947 the Federal Indians of California was founded. The group submitted an $88,000,000 claim as a proposed settlement above and beyond the $5,000,000 already awarded. The 100 delegates present adopted a resolution granting the executive committee the power to hire legal counsel and press the claim. (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1966:13)
Much of the activity occurring after World War II was the result of Indians being introduced to a wider perspective. "Now, war as we know it is a horrible thing, but the war did one thing for our Indian people as it did for so many representatives of many ethnic groups. It took them out of their environment, and it scattered them all over the world, as well as the United States, and they saw how the other half lived." (Harrison, 1966:11) Many Indians returned from the war more aware of the way in which governments worked. The war had shown them how the rest of the world lived, and they were no longer satisfied with what was previously theirs. Some returned to their groups with this newly developed knowledge, while others ventured out on their own.
Following World War II, a movement called "termination" began. Termination was to be a process of removing Indians and their land from federal trust. "After the war, as the United States spent millions of dollars rebuilding Germany and Japan, the government hoped to rid itself of its embarrassing failure to 'rebuild' Indian nations by simply withdrawing government aid to Indian people. This philosophy was expressed in the Hoover Commission survey of 1948." (Heizer, 1978:122)
The 1950s saw the beginning of the Hoover Commission's recommendation to initiate termination. "California Indian tribes were to be among the first targets for termination. The commissioner of Indian affairs who inaugurated this policy, Dillon Meyer, was principally known as the man responsible for administering Japanese-American concentration camps during World War II. In 1952, the Bureau of Indian Affairs began to energetically push termination: the Indian Service introduced to Congress several termination bills specifically for California, and in anticipation of that policy, the government ended all Indian Service welfare payments to pauper Indians in the state." (Heizer, 1978:122)
Also in 1950, the first $5,000,000 settlement was distributed to Indians in California. "Congress finally adopted legislation providing $150 for each California Indian (leaving a portion of the award still in the U.S. Treasury)." (Forbes, 1969:106) However, by 1951, 23 separate claims had been filed with the Indian Land Claims Commission for additional relief.The first law that actually initiated termination was in the field of criminal justice. "In 1953 Congress passed Public Law 280, which brought California Indian Reservations under the criminal and civil jurisdiction of the state." (Heizer, 1978:122) Crime occurring on the reservation was no longer the responsibility of the United States government. This new law caused much confusion and resulted in poor protection for Indians on reservations. It was frequently reported that many county sheriffs would arrive three or four days late for emergency situations. In 1957, California Indians called unsuccessfully for repeal of the act.
In late 1952, another issue was brought to the attention of the public. "Twenty-two young Indians, veterans of World War II and Korea, claimed they cannot buy shaving lotion because it contains alcohol. They have formed an Indian Right Organization to fight what they call 'this new menace to the Indian.'"(Sacramento Bee, Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1) However, this was not the first time that the problem had been brought to the attention of the government. In 1946, Indians, in a hearing in Eureka, requested that the prohibition against the sale of alcohol to Indians be lifted. In April 1953, Governor Earl Warren signed into law Senate Bill 344, which for the first time in 81 years made it legal for "full blooded Indians" to purchase alcohol. (Sacramento Bee, Apr. 9, 1953, p. 10)
In 1954, the process of termination moved closer to reality through House Resolution 108 the intent of which was "as rapidly as possible to make the Indians within the territorial limits of the United States subject to the same laws and entitled to the same privileges and responsibilities as are applicable to other citizens of the United States. . . . Indian tribes and the individual members thereof, located within the States of California [and other states] . . . should be freed from Federal supervision and control and from all disabilities and limitations specially applicable to Indians (Spicer, 1969:218)
"The California Legislature had endorsed the idea of termination in 1953 but during 1954 made an abrupt change, largely as a result of the hearings conducted by the State Senate Interim Committee on Indian Affairs. The committee found that most reservations were simply unprepared for termination, with a multitude of problems often including undefined boundaries, no roads, no water, no sanitation, substandard housing, and 2,600 complicated heirship cases. The state was unwilling to accept the financial responsibility for correcting the failures of bureau management and opposed the BIA [Bureau of Indian Affairs] termination legislation." (Forbes, 1969:112)
"In 1954, a conference of social scientists, mainly anthropologists, met under the chairmanship of former Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs John H. Provinse for the purpose of pooling their knowledge and bringing it to bear on federal Indian policy. A portion of the statement they produced follows. 'An assumption which seems to underlie the basic philosophy of much of the United States approach centers about the idea that assimilation of the American Indian into the normal stream of American life is inevitable, that Indian tribes and communities will disappear. There was complete agreement on the part of the discussants that this prediction is unwarranted. . . . Group feeling and group integrity among the American Indian are as likely to gain strength in the decades ahead as they are to lose it.'" (Spicer, 1969:249-250)
Again in 1957, the process of termination was initiated. "In 1957-58, the State Senate Interim Committee conducted another investigation and found that 'with minor exceptions . . . very little has been done to carry out the recommendations set forth in the [1954-55] report' to prepare Indian reserves for termination. In spite of that fact, the committee in 1957 recommended termination legislation. . . ." (Forbes, 1969:112-113)
In 1958, the Rancheria Termination Act was enacted. "The law provides for the distribution of all rancheria land and assets and directs that a plan be prepared for each rancheria outlining to whom and how the assets shall be distributed. Such a plan, when approved by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and accepted by the participant, becomes the operating program under which title is transferred from the Government to the Indians." (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1966:16) While plans were developed and termination proceeded, many of the plans were not implemented. However, "In response to the pressures of termination, the land claims case, and other issues, on May 3, 1958, Inter Tribal Council of California (ITCC) was founded. The Council was the successor to the California Indian Congress, which was disbanded at the formation of the new group. The purpose of ITCC is to protect Indian land ownership, preserve established privileges and immunities, and promote understanding and unity and preserve cultural values." (Los Angeles Times, May 5, 1958, pp. 4, 9)
In 1959, the problems with termination were temporarily forgotten. "In that year, the Indian Claims Commission issued an order stating that the Indians of California had aboriginal title, as of 1853, to approximately 64 million acres of California land west of the Sierra Nevada." (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1966:20) A settlement of $29,100,000 was awarded as redress. This amounted to approximately 47 cents per acre. The Indian Claims Commission approved the settlement in 1964, and Congress appropriated the funds that same year.
Indian Grinding Rock State Historic Park, Amador County
A new era for Indians was about to begin, and just as the social scientists had predicted in 1954, tribal governments and tribal identity did play an important role. "Nationally the civil rights movement ushered in an era of social consciousness among White Americans. In conjunction with the end of the claims and termination issues among native leadership, the climate was again ripe for reform in Indian affairs." (Heizer, 1978:716)
As previously mentioned, the Indian Claims Commission awarded California Indians $29,100,000 as redress for land from which they had been evicted. While most California Indians eventually would accept the payment, some would not. Members of the Pit River and Feather River groups opposed the settlement. So, when the settlement was awarded, many Indian people were not satisfied with the 47 cents per acre they were to receive.
During the 1960s and 1970s, people who had not previously identified themselves as Indians began to do so. A new awareness was rising, and with this came an increase in the number of Indians listed in the census. However, another program that had an effect on the number of Indians in California was the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) program of relocation. "During the war about 23,000 Indian men and 800 Indian women served in the armed forces, and an estimated 46,000 Indians left the reservation to find employment. Many remained to make California their home.
In 1964, a monumental case concerning Indian religion occurred in California. On April 28, 1962, a group of Navajos met in Needles to perform a religious ceremony in which peyote was used. Peyote is a drug derived from the buttons of the mescal cactus. The Indians were arrested and tried for violating the law which prohibited unauthorized possession of the drug. Judge Mathew O. Tobriner of the California Supreme Court issued the court's decision, In responding to a lower court's verdict, Tobriner wrote, "The court ruled to deny Indian use of peyote was a violation of their religious freedom. 'We preserve a greater value than an ancient tradition when we protect the rights of the Indian who honestly practices an old religion. . . .' " (35 CAL Reporter, 1964:708) At this point, public consciousness began to recognize Indian religion and the value it had to the Indian people.
The year 1964 also saw the formation of the American Indian Historical Society by Rupert Costo, a Southern California Indian. "The AIHS was especially concerned with bringing an Indian viewpoint to bear upon historical writing but it also became concerned with many related issues including the white biases of school textbooks and the non-Indian orientation of school curricula." (Forbes, 1969:120) Since its formation, the society has published The Indian Historian,and from 1973 until recently, it published the Wassaja, an Indian newspaper.
The 1960s and 1970s brought the concept of Indian self determination to reality. Indian Self Determination is a program in which Indians determine their future through the development of policies that meet their needs as they have defined them. It is too early to say if the program is a success. However, an early example of Indians having control over their lives was evidenced in the California Indian Health Demonstration Project. "This project originated in the State Department of Public Health, Bureau of Maternal and Child Health in 1967. Nine projects were set up among reservation communities throughout the state. Funded by state and federal health departments, these pilot projects stressed Indian participation and control and have acted as a catalyst for community cooperation in bringing medical and dental services to rural and reservation Indians. . . . By 1973, sixteen projects had been set up. . . ." (Heizer, 1978:124) With the formation of the California Rural Indian Health Board in 1969, an Indian-controlled coordinating body took charge.
In 1967, the California Indian Education Association was founded. In October of that year, a conference in North Fork, California ". . . brought together about 200 Indians who thoroughly analyzed the problems involved in Indian education. . . . Basically, the North Fork Conference called for increased Indian involvement at all levels of the education process. It especially emphasized the role of the Indian family and community in the education of children and advocated the development of Indian-directed out-of-school educational projects. Stress was placed upon the value of the native heritage. The North Fork Conference also called for the restoration of Johnson O'Malley funds. . . ." (Forbes, 1969:121) With the formation of the California Rural Indian Health Board, the American Indian Historical Society, and the California Indian Education Association, California Indians were involved in the process of controlling their past, present, and future.
The acknowledgment of Indians continued in 1968 when Governor Ronald Reagan signed a resolution calling for the fourth Friday of each September to be American Indian Day in California. This acknowledgment has done much to inform the general public about Indian heritage and the problems that are confronted by Indians in California.
"Another important development since the 1960s was the creation of Native American studies departments at major universities in California. In the fall of 1969, Indian students at the University of California at Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Davis and at Sacramento State University demanded that these institutions begin programs and offer courses in Indian culture and history." (Heizer, 1967:125) Today, much valuable information has come from these programs. They have also assisted Indian students by providing them with needed services, and have promoted a better Indian self-image.
"Indian land issues became international news in November 1969 when a group called Indians of All Tribes occupied Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay and held the site for nearly two years." (Heizer, 1967:716) "Within two months, the Pit River Tribe learned the lesson of Alcatraz." (Balin, 1971) On June 5, 1970, the Pit River Tribe issued a proclamation that stated: "We are the rightful and legal owner of the land. . . . No amount of money can buy the Mother Earth; therefore, the California Indian Land Claims Commission has no meaning. The Earth is our Mother and we cannot sell her." (Ibid.) Since then, the Pit Rivers have successfully reoccupied a number of pieces of land. By 1970, the census showed that there were 91,018 Indians in California. This number did not differentiate between California Indians and Indians who came here from other states. In 1972, 120 years after the Indians signed the 18 lost treaties, 60,000 California Indians received $633 each as compensation for land covered by the treaties. Some Indians refused the payment, and some failed to cash the check, but others who had waited for generations and had spent much time and money trying to resolve the issue accepted the payment. The land claims case was finally over.
Ten of the original terminated rancherias left Indian ownership by 1974. The same year, California reservation Indians filed and won a class action suit known as the Rincon decision. The suit charged that the Indian Health Service had not provided California Indians with health care comparable to that provided in other states. The U.S. District Court in San Francisco agreed. The State of California began to supplement federal Indian Health money in 1975, the first state to do so. (Heizer, 1978:126; Sacramento Bee, Sept. 6-7, 1981) In 1982, California Indians received most of the $8,700,000 supplemental funds from the Rincon ruling award.
In 1976, the California Native American Heritage Commission was established. Since that time, the commission has assisted Indians in preserving cultural and religious sites important to them. By 1980, the number of Indians in California had grown to more than 201,000, more Indians than in any other state. Probably a little more than half of these are the descendents of aboriginal Californians. Their population is still far below the approximately 310,000 Indians living in California when Europeans first arrived on these shores.
Ya-Ka-Ama Indian School, Sonoma County
Author's Note and Conclusion
In 1972, when I first read Dee Brown's book Bury My Heart At Wounded Knee, my reaction to the book was a combination of incredulity and anger. Having had a adopted sister of Indigenous heritage, I found my self determined to do what I could personally to address what was then almost 500 years of European-American chaos here in the American West.
The scope of a book on every tribe in every state would be very wide. Indigenous people have lived in what is now the Americas for thousands of years. By now, if you as a reader have at all been moved by this article, I would encourage you to inform yourself about the history of Indigenous tribes in the USA and Canada.
I have hopefully explained why each of these destructive myths have not only harmed Indigenous People, and to quote a musician, "rust never sleeps." As I finish this article, politicians are ruminating about sending undocumented people seeking a better life back to any one of the 200+ countries and regions around the world. European-Americans baffle my Indigenous friends about sending immigrants back to their country of origin. They say "they don't understand the stupidity of talking about repatriating immigrants, when they are immigrants too.
Each state on the United States has a track record of the worst sort of outrageous cultural imperialism toward Indigenous Tribes. There has been land snatching, countless millions of Indigenous people turned into slaves or worse. Genocide in this country and the Americas in total accounts for the worst mass murders in the world. Some 100,000,000 Indigenous People have been killed by gold hungry, land hungry, and enslavement of Indigenous people. Today, the fate of the Earth and our own existence hangs by a thread, and Congressional and Industrial jackoffs are denying publicly and PREPARING PRIVATELY for what will be the worst era of human life in the period of written history. Species are disappearing at a record pace, trees are being cut raising the possibility of reducing the overall air quality worldwide, and the spectre of famine is growling at the front door.
All life is sacred, the Earth as our home is alive itself, changing constantly as we walk on it. What was a cornfield today could be a volcano tomorrow. It happened in Mexico in the last century. The ocean will rise as various human related chemicals and gases are released by fossil fuel consumption. What was a beach last year could be underwater in 25 years. The species we live with have equal rights to survive. Indigenous Peoples around the globe understand these principles. We are going to face the results of how we live here on Earth,and right now, the time to address the issue is now. Indigenous Tribes understand this. What is it that prevents the rest of the world from seeing the cliff before we drive off of it. The seventh generation of our current generation should be considered when making decisions about how we interact with this planet. What will they think? It is up to us.
A History of American Indians in California:
HISTORIC SITES
HISTORIC SITES
Underlined sites are links to more detailed reports.
1. Ahwahnee, Mariposa County
2. Alcatraz, San Francisco
3. Anderson Marsh, Lake County
4. Angel Island, Marin County
5. Anoyum, San Diego County
6. Bald Rock Dome, Butte County
7. Black Mountain, San Luis Obispo County
8. Bloody Island, Lake County
9. Bryte Memorial Building, Yolo County
10. Camp Hill, San Luis Obispo County
11. Captain Jack's Stronghold, Modoc County
12. Channel Islands, Los Angeles, Santa Barbara, and Ventura counties
13. Chaw'se/Indian Grinding Rock State Historic Park, Amador County
14. Cherokee, Butte County
15. Chimney Rock, San Luis Obispo County
16. Cho-Lollo, Tulare County
17. Cupa, San Diego County
18. D-Q University, Yolo County
19. Dana Point, Orange County
20. Dry Creek Valley, Sonoma County
21. El Scorpion Ranch, Los Angeles County
22. Estens and Kuvuny, Ventura County
23. Ferndale Ranch, Ventura County
24. Foresta Big Meadow, Mariposa County
25. Fort Bidwell Boarding School, Modoc County
26. Fort Bidwell School, Modoc County
27. Fort Gaston, Humboldt County
28. Frank Day's Home, Butte County
29. Gabriel's Grave, Monterey County
30. Glen Eden Springs, Riverside County
31. Greenville Meeting Hall, Plumas County
32. Gunther Island, Humboldt County
33. Helo/Mescalitan Island, Santa Barbara Island
34. Herbert Young's Residence, Butte County
35. Hilltop Tavern, Alameda County
36. Hopland High School, Mendocino County
37. Humqaq, Santa Barbara County
38. Hunting Blinds, Modoc County
39. Ishi's Hiding Place, Butte County
40. Knights Ferry, Stanislaus County
41. La Casa Grande, Sonoma County
42. La Jolla Village, San Diego County
43. Lake County Courthouse, Lake County
44. Las Viejas Mission, San Diego County
45. Madonna Mountain, San Luis Obispo County
46. Malki Museum, Riverside County
47. Manchester Reservation School, Mendocino County
48. Manchester Round House, Mendocino County
49. Mankins Ranch, Plumas County
50. Marie Potts' Home, Sacramento County
51. Mechoopda Indian Rancheria, Butte County
52. Mutamai, San Diego County
53. Mesa Grande Street, San Diego County
54. Mount Diablo, Contra Costa County
55. Nome Lackee Indian Reservation, Tehama County
56. North Fork School, Madera County
57. Old Kashia Elementary School, Sonoma County
58. Old Spanish Town, Santa Barbara County
59. Old Tule Reservation, Tulare County
60. Onomyo, Santa Barbara County
61. Painted Cave, Monterey County
62. Painted Caves, San Luis Obispo County
63. Pate Valley, Tuolumne County
64. Pete's Adobe, San Diego County
65. Place Where They Burnt the Digger, Amador County
66. Port San Luis, San Luis Obispo County
67. Quechla, San Diego County
68. Ramona Bowl, Riverside County
69. Rancho Canada Larga, Ventura County
70. Re-kwoi, Del Norte County
71. Rice Canyon Petroglyph Area, Lassen County
72. Roberts House, El Dorado County
73. Rogerio's Rancho, Los Angeles County
74. Round Valley Commissary, Mendocino County
75. Round Valley Flour Mill, Mendocino County
76. Round Valley Methodist Church, Mendocino County
77. Rust's Cemetery, Mariposa County
78. San Pasqual Battlefield State Historic Park, San Diego County
79. San Pasqual Cemetery, San Diego County
80. Santa Lucia Peak, Monterey County
81. Santa Rosa Rancheria, Kings County
82. Sherman Institute, Riverside County
83. Shisholop, Ventura County
84. Sloughhouse, Sacramento County
85. Paauw/Smith, San Diego County
86. Smith River Shaker Church, Del Norte County
87. Sonoma Barracks, Sonoma State Historic Park, Sonoma County
88. Squem, Monterey County
89. State Capitol, Sacramento County
90. Sutter's Fort, Sacramento County
91. Takimildin, Humboldt County
92. Tejon Indian Reservation, Kern County
93. Tischler Rock, Orange County
94. Tommy Merino's Home, Plumas County
95. Toro Creek, San Luis Obispo County
96. Trabuco Adobe, Orange County
97. Tulapop, Los Angeles County
98. Viejas V.F.W., San Diego County
99. Wilson Cemetery, Mariposa County
100. Wilton Baseball Field, Sacramento County
101. Ya-Ka-Ama, Sonoma County
102. Yosemite Rancheria, Mariposa County2
A History of American Indians in California:
SELECTED REFERENCES
SELECTED REFERENCES
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Archibold, Robert. "Indian Labor at the California Missions; Slavery or Salvation." Journal of San Diego History, Vol. XXIV, 1978
Balin, Roxanne. "One of the Last Human Hunts of Civilization, and the Basest and Most Brutal of Them All." Image 3 Graphic, 1971.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of California. Vols. I, II, and IX. Reprint. Santa Barbara: Wallace Hebberd, 1963-64
Banning, Evelyn I. "Helen Hunt Jackson in San Diego." Journal of San Diego History. Vol. XXIV, FaIl, 1978, No. 4.
California Department of Parks and Recreation. The California History Plan. Vol. I. Sacramento: 1973.
California Indian Herald Vols. I and II. 1922-23.
Cook, Sherburne Friend. Population Trends Among the California Mission Indians. University of California Press, 1976.
________________. "Expeditions to the Interior of California: Central Valley, 1820-1840." University of California Anthropological Records, 20 (5) 1962.
Cranston, Senator Alan. Personal communication with his office. 1986.
Ellis, George. The Red Man and the White Man in North America. 1882.
Ellison, W. H. "Rejection of California Indian Treaties." Grizzly Bear. May 1925, pp. 4-5
Fehrenbacher, Don E. A Basic History of California. Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand, 1964.
Forbes, Jack D. The Indians in America's Past. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: 1964.
_______________. Native Americans of California and Nevada: A Handbook.Healdsburg, CA: Naturegraph Publishers, 1969.
_______________. "The Native American Experience in California History."California Historical Society Quarterly, September 1971.
Gemmill, Mickey, "Proclamation: To the President and the American People." June 5, 1970.
Goodman, David M., A Western Panorama 1849-1865: The Travels, Writings, and Influence of J. Ross Browne. Glendale: A. H. Clark, 1966.
Harrison, Michael. "Indian Problem Today." Paper, Sonoma State College. 1966.
Heizer, Robert F., et al. Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 8. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1978.
Heizer, Robert F. and M. A. Whipple. The California Indians: A Source Book. University of California Press, 1971.
Hill, Dorothy. The Indians of Chico Rancheria. Sacramento: California Department of Parks and Recreation, 1978.
Hislop, Donald L. The Nome Lackee Indian Reservation: 1854-1870. Chico: Association for Northern California Records and Research, 1978.
Hurtado, Albert L. Ranchos, Gold Mines and Rancherias: A Socioeconomic History of Indians and Whites in Northern California, 1821-1860. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1981.
Hyde, Thomas. Personal communication. 1980.
Indian Defense Association of Central and Northern California. 1924.
"Indians on the Warpath: 1954." Footnight. July 21, 1954, p.24.
Jackson, Helen Hunt. A Century of Dishonor. Roberts Brothers, 1885.
Johnson, Kenneth M. K-344; or the Indians of California vs. United States.Los Angeles: Dawson's Book Shop, 1966.
Kelsey, C. E., "Report of the Special Agent for California Indians to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs." March 21, 1906.
Kroeber, Alfred Louis. Handbook of the Indians of California. Washington: 1925.
La Pena, Frank. Personal communication. June 1986.
Los Angeles Times. "Indian Form Council to Safeguard Rights," May 5, 1958.
Margolin, Malcolm. The Way We Lived Berkeley: Heyday Books, 1981.
Marysville Herald. January 8, 1857.
Miller, Queenie. Personal communication. 1976.
Morrison, Lorrin L. Warner: The Man and the Ranch. Los Angeles, 1962.
Northern California Indian Association. "The Indian Friend: Report at the Zayate Indian Conference." July 30-31, 1906.
Out West. Vol. XVI, No. 5. May, 1902.
Risling, David. Personal communication. August, 1980.
Sacramento Bee. 1946-1981.
Sacramento Union. April 28, 1964.
San Francisco Chronicle. March 7, 1904.
San Francisco Evening Bulletin. September 11 and 22, 1857.
Schaaf, Greg. Personal communication. June 1986.
Somersal, Laura. Personal communication. 1980.
Spicer, Edward H. A Short History of the Indians of the United States. New York: 1969.
U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs. Indians of California. 1966.
Waterman, Thomas T. "Yurok Geography." University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 16 (5): 177-314.
Wollenberg, Charles M. All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools 1855-1975. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976.